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THE

HISTORY

o p

PERSECUTION,

In Four Parts.

VIZ.

I. Amongft the Heathens.
II. Under the Christian Emperors.

III. Under the Papacy and Inquisitions

IV. Amongft Protestants.

w I T H A

PREFACE,

Containing

Remarks on Dr, Rogers^s Vindication of the Civil
EftaUiJhment of Religion.

By SAMUEL CHANDLER.

« *7rhfiyA^i is<f^i vC^i<nvy »/« cukic^^jlco tk ^co^jloIQ-. Julian,
Bofir. ep. 5^. Kciic. Spanhem.

L 0 ^N 7) O IT :

Printed for !• Gray, at the Crors Keys in the "Poultry.
M.DCCXXXVL

/€/j> * EH^ihOO'C^

I^IG

"^3^

MijiiU'JddMHH

PREFACE.

S the great Corruptions of the Chrifiian
Religion have been generally owing to^
and introduced by fpiritual Wicked-
neffes in high Places ; fo they have
been maintained, and rendred fecure
by the Civil Power ; which ^ through
their Perfuafton^ hath too often annexed
Honoursy Emoluments and Profits, to the Profejfton of
them, and prohibited all Oppofition to them, by the mofi
fevere and cruel Penalties. Such Penalties as theje^
on a religious Account, I think abfolutely unlawful^
whether they are annexed for the Support of a true or
falfe Religion \ and therefore 1 have, in the enfuing
Hifiory, freely cenfured them, and faithfully expofed
them. This Ifind hath given great Offence, and been
reprefented as a Befign to decry and vilify all Efta-
blilhments. And that 1 may be fet right about fo im^
portant a fuhje^l, as the Duty or Right of the Su-
pream Powers to fupport or enforce Religion by
civil Penalties, / am recommended to fever al Authors
for my Convi5lion, and particularly called on to cry my Bemman*^
Skill upon Br. Rogers*; Vindication of the civil ^^'^^^'^j
Eftablifliment of Religion ; to fee, I fuppofe, whe-"^'^^^
ther I can anjwer his ArgumentSy or reftji the Force
of thern^

A 2 /

Iv ' PREFACE.

/ take this Opportunity to ajfure my Advifer^ tha^
I have read that Book thro* with Care^ and had almoft
Jinifoed an Anjwer to it before Dr. Rogers'^ Death ;
which alone prevented fny publijhing it, and not any
fear of the Do5for^s Strength, or apprehenfton that his
Arguments were invincible: And therefore though I
cannot go thro" the whole of that Subje5f, within the Li-
mits of a Pr-eface, yet IfhaU now make fome Obfervations
on the Doofor^s Performance ; which may pojftbly make
it appear, that the Caufe he pleads for is not fo fully
[upported as may have been imagined, nor his Triumph
dWr me fo intire and compleat as hath, I know, been
afien reprefenud.

I would however add one Thing here, by way of
l^uiion, that I may prevent the ISoife and Outcries of
furious Zeabts, that I am running down all Efta-
blifh meats, and particularly that of the Church of
England ; that I would not be underjiood to argue ab-
foiulely againji all Efiablijhments whatfoever : This I
declare is not my Intention. I Jhall only confider Dr.
Rogers* J Scheme, and endeavour to fhew the Incon^
ciufivenefs of his Arguments, and the pernicious Cm-
Jei}u€nces of the Do£lrine he hath advanced to the Caufe
6f Chrijiianity, and the Inter eft of Religion and Truth
in general. And this I hope I may do without Offence
ti> any fiber Chrijtians, either within or without the
?fational Eftabltfhment.

As the Do3or is long fince dead, ^twould be injurious
to his Memory to enter into any thing that hath been
per [on al between us : But his Arguments I have a Right
to confider \ fome of the principal of which 1 fhall do
with the greatefi Clearnefs and hnpartiality that .
/ can.

' 'The great Point which the DoUor hath laboured to
'f>hidieate, is, the civil EftabJi/liment of R€ligioii,>r
the incorporating Religion into, or making it^a Part,
of ih<: civil Inltitucion, by annexing civil Rewards

and

-jgb^

PREFACE. V

and Encouragetnenis io the profejfmg it on the one hand^
and civil Penalties and Bifcouragements to all Oppo^
fttion to it, on the other. And the more effe^itally to
fupport this Pofition^ he hath advanced thefe two Prin-
ciples ^ as the Foundation of his njohole Work.

!• That the Nature and Ends of civil Society ^^c^^ ^^
require the Eftablifhment of fome Religion. And,

2. That there is nothing in the Nature of Re-^'5^*3^
ligion inconfiftent with fuch Eftablilhmenc. And
when he comes to anfwer the Objection, ?/&^/ Religion
is an internal Principle, not fubjcft to human In-
fpedlion, nor to be controuled by human Autho-
rity \ and that, with refpeft to Faith, every IVIan
mull believe according to his own Conviftions, he
allows that Religion, as it fignifies internal hcisp^ 59-
of the Mind, Faith, Devotion, Reverence, Love
of God, and Submiflion to his Will, £^r. is a Mat-
ter purely pcrfonal, tranfafted immediately, and
only between God and the Soui ; cognizable only
by God, and therefore exempt from civil Autho-
rity, and confequently incapable of being direfted
and prefcribed by a civil ERablifhment ; TbatP- '^^r
thcfe internal Principles and Difpofuions can by no
other moral Means be infufed into the Members
of Society, than by Arguments, Ptrfuafions, and
Conviftions of their Judgment.

I. ^he firfi Ohfervation thtn^ that I would make
on the Do£lor^s Scheme, is, that upon his own Con-
cejjions and Principles, true Religion is incapable of
being eflablifhed. Religion, in its internal ABs, as 'it
implies Faith, Devotion, Reverence, the Love qf,
and Submiflion to God, he affirms to be iiuap^ble of
being directed and prefcribed by civil Authority ; and
the Religion that he would have eflablifhed, are fuchf-45«
outward Adls only, as are apparent to Men : Afts

A 3 ' of

yi PREFACE.

of Worlhip, and Profeffions of Faith. The Idea
is compofed of Profeffions of Faith, and Modes of
Worlhip. In this Senfe be affirms Religion to be
a proper Subjefl: of human Laws ; f. e. the Ma-

giftrate hath only a Right to dtre£i and prefcribe by a
civil EJlabUJhment^ fuch Profeffions of Faith, and
Modes of Worfhip, as have in them no Ideas of
real Faith, Devotion, Reverence, Love of God,

and Subnniffion to his Will, to recommend them : Or
the Deftgn of the civil EjlahUJhment of Religion is not
to efiablijh true Religion^ but only the Do^or^s Modes
and Profeffions of Religion.

For furely thefe external Profeffiions of Faith, • and
j45fs oflVorfhi;py which have nothing of inward Faith y
Devotion^ Reverence^ and Love of God^ to recommend
them, can't confiitute true and acceptable Religion.
Ihey are at beft only Forms of Godlinefs, which when
unaccompanied with Faith and true Devotion, are de-
ftitute of [he Power of it. '7ij mere bodily Exercife,
that in the Scripture Language profits but little •,
thd" I am fenfible that the greateft part of Mankind
have been too much taught by their fpiritual Directors
to think this the whole, or by far the greateft Part of
true Religion. If the Principles, which the Do£ior
would have the civil Magiftrate eftablifh the Profeffiion
ofy fhould happen to be Principles of real and important
iruth ; if the Forms and Modes of Worfhip he would
have prefcribed fhould prove agreeable to the Will of
God, and the Nature of Religion ; yet as civil Laws
can prefcribe nothing farther than the mere Profeffiion
of the one, and life of the other, and can't infufe the
real Belief of the former, or Devotion and inward Re-
verence in complying with the latter^ 'tis impoffible
thofe Laws can eftablifh true Religion ; unlefs any will
affirm, that to profefs what a Man doth not believe,
cr to ufe Modes of Worfhip without any inward Devo-
tion or Reverence, is true and acceptable Religion.

Much,

P R E F A C E. vii

Much lefs canfalfe Principles^ which are fuhver five
of the great and ejfential Truths of Natural and Re^
vealed Religion ; and fuch Modes oflVorpip as are
in their Nature fuperftitious^ idolatrous and impious,
ever deferve the Name of Religion^ or the Ejtahlifhment
of them he jujily called the EJlahlifhment of Religion.
j^^Mahometanifm he an Impojiure^ the EJlabli/hment
of it is the EJtahliJhment^ not of Religion^ hut of an
impofture. -^^ Pagan ifm and Popery are vile and de-
iejlahle Idolatry^ the EJiabli/hment of them doth not
alter their Nature, and can never with any Truth or
Propriety be called the Efiablifhment of Religion. "Tis
true, that in common Language we give the Name of
Religion to any thing that hath relation to Deity ^ [up-
pofed or real, falfe or true: But every Man of cotnmon
Senfe muft acknowledge^ that the afcribing this Name
to the Modes of IVorfhip praBifed in honour of falfe
Gods^ or to fuperjlitious and idolatrous Modes done in
honour of the true Godj or to fuch Modes as are w(ir^
rantable and jujij but not attended with P^everence
and Faith, is only to afcribe it in an abufive Manner \
and that it would be abfurd to infer from the Name of
Religion, thus improperly and falfely ufed, that there
is nothing in the Nature of Religion inconftftent with an '

Efiablifhment.

And yet this is the T)o5lor^s Method of Arguing.
His great Point is to prove the Expediency and Ne*
ceffity of a civil Eftablifhment of Religion^ and the Ma-
giftratcs Kight to ejiablifh fuch Religion as he thinks
proper, and happens to believe^ whether it be falfe. or
true. And in order to do this, he afferts that there />
nothing in the Nature of Religion inconftftent with fuch
EJiabltfnment. Now would not any one imagine, that
he is here arguing from the general Nature of true Re-
ligion ? This he fbould have done, to make his grand
Inference good ; becaufe if it can be proved, that there
is fomething in the Nature of true Religion inconfiftent,

A 4 with

vHi PREFACE

with a civil Eftahlijhmenty he can never prove that the
Nature and Ends of Society require fuch an EftaMiJh-
ment 5 or that the Magijirate hath a Right to make it,
unkfs the Ends of Society require an Impojfmlity^ and
the Magijirate hath a Right to do what is not pojfthle to
he done.
P'ii* ^he Do£lor frequently talks of Religion as of great

Impdrtance to the Happincfs of Society ; and af-^
firtnSy that human Wifdom can devife no Equi-
valent for it ; and that natural Reafon would lead
Men, by juft Inference, to conclude the Impor-
tance of it to the Ends of Society. But what doth
be mean by Religion ? The genuine Principles of true
Religion heartily believed^ and the Worjhip of the true
God in a becoming rational Manner ? Nothing like it !
He means only Profejfions of Faith without Faith j and
Modes of Worjhip of any kinds without inward De^
Votion : For he exprejly excludes Faith and Devotion out
of bis Ejtahlijbmentf and is an Advocate for the Ejta^
llijhment of Impj\ure^ Superjlition^ and the Worjhip
of Devils \ and' entitles them equally with the Worjhip
of the true Gody to the Countenance and ProteSlion^
and Support of the civil Magijirate. But fiirely there
is fomething in the Nature of true Religion inconfijlent ,
with fuch Eftablijhments. Had he argued that there
was nothing in Profejfions of Faith and Modes ofWor-
jhip ; nothing in [uperjtitious and idolatrous Forms^ in-
confijlent with their Ejlahlijhment ; this would have
been true in it felfj though nothing to his main Argu^
ment. But to affirm that there is nothing in the Nature
of Religion^ true and acceptable Religion^ inconfijlent
with the Eflablijhment of it^ and yet to exclude that true
Faith^ and Devotion of Heart and Spirit^ which is the
Religion and Worjhip the Father requires of Men ; to
mean by Religion^ Popery, Mahometanifm, Paga-
nifm, any things every things to which the Folly^ Su-
perjlition and Wickednefs of Men may attribute that

Jacred

PREFACE. he

focred Name \ to mean by it that which is not Religion^
but either the empty Form of ity or fomewhai contrary
to^ or fubverfive of it ; this is either an Impfition on
bis Readers^ or an exprefs Contradi£lion.

If in faying that there is nothing in the Nature (^
Religion inconfifient with an Eftablijhmenty he meant
hy Religion fome thing or any thing thac goes under
that Name, then he doth not argue from the Nature
of true Religion ; i. e. he doth not argue from the
Nature of Religion at all^ but from the Name or Word
Religion, without any Meaning to it^ or with a very
had one \ and by confequence he hath not proved that
Religion is fo much as capable of an EJlablifhment i
whereby the Magi/Irate^ s Right of eftabli/hing it mufl
remain abfolutely precarious^ and unfupported. If by
Religion he really means true Religion •, then it mufi
be proved that Profejfwns ef Faith without Faiths and
Modes of Worfhip without Devotion^ have the Nature
of true Religion in them. If they have not^ then it will
be no Confequence^ that becaufe Profefjions of Faith
and Modes of Worfhip may be ejiabltfhed^ that there*
fore there is nothing in the Nature of true Religion in^
confifient with fuch EJiabli/bment. Jnd thus '-ue are
^ill under the fame Difficulty concerning the very Poffi*
bility of the EJlablifhment of true Religion. Thus un-
happy is the Do£ior^ in laying the Foundation of his
Scheme^ that in whatfoever Senfe he ufes Religion^ it
dejlroys his main Argument ; fofar is it from ftrength^^
ning and fupporting it ! He hath not^ he cannot prove
the fecond great Principle he hath^ or fhould have ad-
vanced \ That there is nothing in the Nature of
TRUE Religion inconfiftent with an Eftablifhmenr. *

But 1 ffjall be toldy in anfwer to this^ that this way
of Arguing is but a common Track of Difputation^, 3S.
on this Subjeft, and hath one great Misfortune in it\
that tbd" the Premifes in this Argument are very^ Jj-
true, yet they are npthing to the Purpofe ; And

the

¥ PREFACE.

the Do5ior will lead us into unbeaten Pathsy to viH- ,
^icate his civil EJlahliJbment of Religion. To this Pur^

p' 19- foje he tells us : That Religion, as it fignifies in-
ternal Afts of the Mind, Faith, Devotion, Re-
verence, Love of God, and Submiffion to his
Will, (£c. is a Matter purely perfonal, tranfa6led
immediately and only between God and the Soul,
I readily agree, and have on all Occafions very

^ 40. fully afferted. But fo alfo are Juftice, Temperance,
Charity, apd other moral Virtues: Thefe in their
proper Notion are Adls, Habits, and Difpofitions
of the Mind ; and as fuch no more fubjeft to hu-
man Authority, than the internal A6ls of Religion.
But then thofe outward Adions, which are pre-
fumptive Evidences of fuch inward Difpofitions of
Mind, are under human Cognizance, and proper

/». 4T. Subjedls of human Lawf. Ar.d in this Senfe we
affirm Religion to be a proper Subjeft of human
Laws, and not as an internal and invifible Principle.
But I am afraid there is one great Misfortune in all this
alfo ; and that is^ that this alfo is nothing to the
Purpofe. And therefore^

11. I would obferve in the next Place^ thai the Re-
ligion of Profeffwns and Forms without Faith or Devo-
tion^ which the Do£lor pleads for the Eflablifhment of
IS and can be of no Service to Society \ and that therefore
hhfirfi Pofetion is as falfe as his fecondy viz. That the
Nature and Ends of civil Society require theEfta-
blifhment of fome Religion. They can't require the
EJlahlifbment of true Religion ^ becaufe that is confeffedly
incapable of any Ejiablijhment : Nor can they require
the Eflablifhmeni of Profeffwns and Forms without Faith
or Devotion^ becaufe the Nature and Ends of civil So-
ciety can never require the Eflablifhment of any thing
thai is and can be of no Bene ft and Service to it.

The Do5ior acknowledges^ that Juftice, Temperance,
Charity, and other moral Virtues, as they are Afts,

Habits,

PREFACE. xi

Habits, and Difpofitions of the Mind, are no more
fubjeft io human Authority, than the interna! Ads
of Religion: Confequently^ they are incapable of EJia-'
llijhment by civil Laws ; and therefore civil Laws can
enly enjoin or eftablij/j the PraBice of thofe external
Ailions^ which^ as the Do^or tells us, haveobtained^ 4i'
the Name of thofe inward Principles and Difpo-
fitions, from which they are prelumed to flow.
But then as thefe outward A5iions of Moral Virtue are
prefcribed as prefumptive Evidences of the inward
Difpofitions and Habits of Virtue ; the Do£lor imagines^
that external Profejfions of Faith and Modes of Worjhip
ought alfo to be ejlablijhed^ as prefumptive Evidences of
the inward Difpofitions of Religion ; andexprefly ajjerts^
that he who denies the Magiftrate's Right to efl:a-^ 140.
blifli any Religion, may as reafonabfy deny his
Right to eftablifti Juftice, Temperance, or Cha-
rity by Law; fince Religion is as neceffary to the
Welfare of Society, as Moral Virtue. But^

(i.) If Religion be as neceffary to the Welfare ofSo^
ciety as Moral Virtue^ it mufl be Religion in Truth and
Reality ; fuch a Religion^ as is^ in its Nature ajid Ten--
dency^ fuited to promote the BraElice of moral Virtue:
Not fuch a Religion^ as teaches Men to difregard the
Obligations of moral Virtue^ and fan5iifies Actions con^
trary to Juftice and Charity ; becaufe moral Virtue is
confejfedly neceffary to the Welfare of Society ; and there^
fore that Religion^ which loofens Mens Regard to Virtue^
mufl be abfolutely prejudicial to the Interefl of Society^
and therefore the Magiflrate can have no pojfble Right
to eflablijh it ; unlefs he hath a Right to eflablifh a
Religion that is deftru£iive of the Happinefs of Society.
And this Obfervation will effeElually overthrow the befi
Bart of the Do^for^s Scheme. He afferts^ and attempts
to prove^ that to the Magiftrate, or fupreme Civil/». i6r.
Power, it muft be left to eftablilh fuch Religion as
he approves. That the Magiftrate in Turkey hath^ ^^i*

juft

xii P R E F A C E.

juft the fame uncontrouled civil Right to eftablifh
the Religion he approves, as the Chriftian Magi-
ftrate. He might have added^ for he muji intend it^
that the Pagan Magi/Irate in Japan, and all other
Places^ hath the fame uncontrouled Right to efiablifh
Paganifm •, hecaufe the Magiftrate's Refolution doth
not depend on the Truth or Falfehood of the Reli-
gion in its felf, but on his Apprehenfions of either.
Now if this Right of the Magijlrate to effablifb the Re-
ligion he approves^ whether true or falfe^ arifes from
p. 140. bis prior Right to provide for the publick Happi-
nefs, and becaufe the only rational Obligation of
Confcience to Moral Virtue mull be derived from
Religion ; then the Confequence zvill be^ either that
the Magijlrate can have no Right to e§lablifh any Re-
ligion but the true one^ or elfe that the mojl falfe and cor^
rupt Religions^ which have Devils for their Obje£f^ and
countenance the moft immoral Pra5iiceSy "do enforce the
Obligations of Confcience to pra5iife moral Virtue ^ and
are real Provifions for the publick Happinefs.

No reafonable Man^ I am perfuaded^ will take on
him to affirm^ that the IVorfhip <?/* Jupiter, Bacchus,
Venus amongif fome Nations^ and of Molock, Afli-
teroth, Dagon, amongfl others^ or that Superlfition
and Idolatry of any kind is adapted to promote the pub-
lick Happinefs \ becaufe the Hi Si or y of all Nations and
Ages^ where-ever thefe Things have prevailed, are the
fullefi DemonflrationSy that they have been the grand
Occafions of corrupting the Morals of Mankind^ and
bringing down the Judgments of God upon Societies, to
kom. l their utter De§tru5lion. "Thus St. Paul ajferts, that
2.3> &ic. becaufe the Gentiles changed the Truth of God into
a Lye, and did not like to retain God in their Know-
ledge, that therefore God gave them up to a re-
probate Mind, to dothofe Things, which are not
convenient ; i. e. left them4o the natural Confequences
of their own Idolatries, which was to perpetrate the moft^

vile

PREFACE. xiii

vile and unnatural Crimes : And had we not his Au^
thsrity to enforce the Obfervation^ Hiftory and the com^
mon Reafon of Mankind would abundantly prove the
Truth of it. Now how doth the Magiffrate provide
for the publick Happinefs^ by eSiablifhing fuch Reli^
gions as debauch the Morals of thofe he is to govern ?
Did this Christian Divine imagine^ that becaufe the
PrieflsofB^^l and Bacchus, and the like Gods^ were
advanced to Dignities and Riches^ the publick Happinefs
of thofe Nations J who worjhiped them^ were abun^
dantly provided for ? Or that, to e^ablijh Patron Gods
of Murder^ Adultery, Fornication and ihcft, is an In-^
fiance of the Magi ff raters Care for the Welfare of Sq^
cieties ? Tes^ he niufl have intended this ; becaufe he
ajferts that every Magiflrate hath an uncontrouled
Right to effablijh the Religion he approves, whether
true or falfe, from his Ri^t to provide for the pub--
lick Happinefs. /

If the DoSlor did not intend this, his whole Reafoning
is a Fallacy ; becaufe, if the Magistrate^ s Right to efia^
blifh what Religion he approves, arifes from his Right
to provide for the publick Happinefs, then he can have
no Right to eifablifh fuch a Religion, as doth in its Na*
ture tend to encourage fuch immoral PraSfices as are un^
alterably prejudicial to the publick Happinefs. And^
by confequence, the Nature and Ends of Society do not
require, but forbid fuch an ESfablifhmeni ; and the Ma^
giffrate in Turkey, Japan, and other Pagan Nations^
bath not the feme civil Right, or Right as a civil Ma--
giifrate, to effablijf) the Religion he approves, as a
Christian Magiftrate to e§lablifb his Choice : Unlefs the
goodDo5lor imagined, that Mahometanifm, and the
greatefi Corruptions of Paganifm, equally promote the
Welfare of Society with Christianity it felf I am forry
1 cannot help faying^ that this appears to me to have
been the Do5tor*s real Sentiment. For if the Magifl raters
Right to provide for the publick Happijiefs be the Foun-
dation

xiv PREFACE.

dation of his Right to effablijh the Religion he approves}
and if the Magistrate in Turkey and Japan hath the
fame Right as a civil Magiffrate^ to eftablifh his Re^
ligion^ as the Christian Magistrate to e^aUifh his ;
then the three Religions ^Mahometanifm, Paganifm,
and Chriftianity, have the fame Tendency to promote
the publick Happinefs. For if either of thefe Religions
hath no tendency to promote the publick Happinefs^ or
a lejs tendency than the others \ the Right of the Ma-
gistrate to ejlablifh them will be proportionably greater
or lefs^ upon the Suppofition that this Right of EStablifh--
Tnent is derived from the Right to provide for the publick
Happinefs. Butj

(2.) PFhen the Doctor afferts^ that as the outward
Aulions of Moral Virtue are prefcribed by civil Laws as
prefumptive Evidences of the inward Difpojitions and
Habits of Virtue \ fo external Rrofeffions of Faith ^ and
Modes of Worfhip^ may alfo be eStablifhed as the pre-
fumptive Evidences of the inward Difpofttions of Re-
ligion •, he muft furely forget himfelf Andfhould I al-
low him this^ it will effectually overturn his whole
Scheme. For if the Argument be goody it ftands thus :
The outward Anions of moral Virtue^ the outward
Actions of Jujlice^ Temperance and Charity ^ are ejiu"
hlifhed as prefu7nptive Evidences of the inward Difpo-
fition and Habits ofjuflice^ Temperance and Charity ^
and not as prefumptive Evidences of inward Difpofttions
and Habits^ that differ from^ or are contrary to thefe Vir^
tues \ not as prefumptive Evidences of the inward Dif-
pofitions of Inju/iice, Intemperance^ and Uncharitable-
nefs. And in like manner Religion ^ in the external
Profeffions of Faith ^ and Modes of IVorfhip^ may he
eStablifhedy as prefumptive Evidences : Of what ?
Why of rational faith in, andfmcere Devotion to God ; .
and not as prefumptive Evidences of an impious Belief
and falfe Worfhip. In the Doctor* s Parallel^ the out-
ward A5fs of real Virtue anfwer to the external A£ts
2 9f

PREFACE. XV

f)f Religion ; and the internal Habits of real Virtue^ to
the internal Habits of Religion. And by confequence^
to make the Parallel exa£l^ and the Reafoning good^ he
tnuji underftand by Religion external and internal Reli'-
gion as truly fuch, as he 'doth by Virtue the external
ji£is^ and inward Habits of real Virtue : Otherwife
bis Proof will be weak and defective ; fince it can ne^
ver follow^ that becaufe the Magi/trat^ may effablijh the
external A£ts of real Virtue^ as prefumptive Evidences
of the inward Habits of fuch Virtue^ that therefore he
may eUablifh the external A5fs of a falfe Religion^ as
the prefumptive Evidences of an idolatrous and fuper^
ftitious Difpofttion. By confequence the Do£lor*s Scheme
of Efiablifhment mufl fall to the Ground.

He was pleafed to turn Advocate for the E§iablifiy-
ment of Mahomeranifm, Paganifm, Popery, and
all the Religions of the World that ever have been^ or
everjhall be approved by the Magijirate. And he pleads
for the Magistrate's Right to e^ablijh the external Pro-^
fejftons of them J from his Right to esfablijh the external
A£ls of real Virtue: Whereas^ the only true Infer ence^
if any ^ that can be drawn from hence ^ is ; that there-
fore he may eftablifh the external A£is of true and ac^
ceptable Religion^ and not the external A£ls offomewhat
that is not Religion^ but contrary to, and fubverfive of
it. The Doctor fhould have fhown that the Magijirate
may eifabli/h the outward ABs of Juftice, Temperance
and Charity ; or rather, the outward A5ls of Cruelty^
Leudnefsj Drunkennefs and Uncharitablenefs, as pre-
fumptive Evidences of fuch inward Difpofttions i and
tben^ indeed, it might have followed, that he had the
fame uncontroulable Right to eftablifh the Profejfions
of a falfe Faith, and the Modes of an idolatrous and
impious Worfhip, as prefumptive Evidences of anfwer-
able Difpofttions : Or that the Magiiirates in Turkey
and Japan have the fame uncontroulable civil Right to
ejlablifb the external Profeffion of their Impoflures and

Im"

jcvi PREFACE.

Impietus^ as the Chrijlian Magifiraie to ejlablijh the
fure and acceptable Worjhip cf the true God^ by Jefus
Cbrifi. fFhen I fee the Premifes allowed me^ by any
found and orlbodox Divines of the Ejlablifhmentj J pra^-
mife tbefn I will not difputi with them the Qmfequence.

(?') f^bat the Do5lor urges about the external Ac^
tiom of V.iriue being eftablifhed as preftimptive Evi*-
dences of che inward Habits ofit^ is a mere hnagination
of his O'wriy that hath neither Law nor Experience to
Jupport iL Ciml Laws relate to the external Jffim
mly ; and if Men be juft and fiber in their external
Mebaviour^ 1 fttppofe the Demand of the Laws^ pre-
fcribing thefe AQions^ is complied with^ whatever be the
internal Habit or Difpofition ; and that the Prpte^ion
of the Laws will not be denied to fucb Perfom^ becaufe
fame impertinent Cenfurer may affirm the internal Habits
cf thefe l^irtu£s .were wanting, And^ on the other band^
if a Man thieves^ whores^ and rebels^ 1 apprehend the
civil Laws will reach him^ tho* he fhould pretend ever
fo folemnly that he had the internal Habits of Honefty^
Chajiity, and Loyalty. And tho* I do not pretend to
he much acquainted with A^s of Parliament^ yet 1 be-
lieve I may venture to affirm^ that they fpeak little or
nothing about inward Habits^ and prejumptive Evi'
dences ; at leafi I have never fe en any of thefe curious
A6ls of Parliament, that enjoin Charity^ or prefcribe
the outward AQions of any one Virtue as the prefumptive
Evidence of an inward Habit correfponding with it.
And by confequence the Do£lor^s Reafoning is juft as tn^
conclufive here^ as in the former Inftances ; fence if the
civil Magijirate doth not prefcribe the external ABs tf
Virtue as prefumptive Evidences of the inward Habits
€f ity jo neither will any Reafons from hence jujtify
bim^ in directing and prefcribing Modes and Creeds as
prefumptive Evidences of the inward Principles and
Difpofilions of Religion.

(4.) What

PREFACE.

(4.) What is a worfe Misfortune in the Do£lor^s
Argument^ is : That the very external A5ls of Virtue
will certainly prejerve the Peace and Welfare of So^
cieties^ even tbo* the internal Habits of Virtue Jhauld
he wanting ; for which Reafon they are proper Sub-
jects of human Laws : Whereas the bare external Pro^
feffions of Faith^ and the Ufe of prefcribed Forms of
Worfhip^ are of themfelves no Security to Societies ; and
the only Advantage that even true Religion can derive
to Societies^ is the inward Belief Difpofition and Habit
of it. And therefore tho* the prefcribing the external
Ails of Virtue be necejfary to the Welfare of Societies ;
"jet the Efiablijhment of external Creeds and ModeSy
without Faith and Devotion of Soul^ is the Efiablifh-
tnent of fomething^ by which alone the Welfare of
Society can never be effe£iually promoted. "The civil
haws of every Society are^ or fhould be defigned to guard
andfecure the publick Peace ; and they prohibit T'befty
Rebellion^ Murder^ and other Crimes^ becaufe the fa
external Actions are always necejfarily inconfijlent with
the general Welfare : And whofoever complies with tha
Laws^ who doth what they injoin him^ or forbears what
they forbid him^ doth thereby effeElually contribute to
the publick Good^ and is in the Eye of the Law a good
Subje5l^ whatever be the internal Principles he aEls on ;
yeay though he hath not one fmgle virtuous Difpofition
or Habit belonging to him. So that in this Cafe^ 'tis
the very external Behaviour^ the outward A£ls of
Virtue^ and thofe alone^ that maintain the Order and
Welfare of Society^ even when the inward Habits of
Virtue are wanting.

But in the Affair of Religion^ the Cafe is perfe£Ily
the reverfe. The external Form^ feparated from the
Belief and inward Habits of Religion, i^ not of the leaft
Advantage to Society : The hearty AJpnt to /V, and the
inward prevailing Senfe of it *, the aSfu^l Fear of Gody
real Devotion^ and fervent hove poffeffing and influ-

a encing

xviii PREFACE.

evcifig the very Heart and Conjcience \ the fe are great
Ties upon Mens Minds^ and fame of the nobleft Secu-
rities of their good Behaviour to the civil Magijirate.
A Man under the Awes of thefe Principles dares not he
unjuft^ or leudj or any ways vitious ; tho^ there were
no civil Laws to refrain him from thefe A5fions.
And here the DoElor him f elf fh all be my Voucher : For^
t- io: fays he^ Religion, internal Religion, as it fignifies
a Belief, Reverence, and Love of an infinitely
juft, powerful, omnifcient Being, rs a Principle
the moft effedlual to promote and fecure the Ends
and Incerefts of Society. If this he acknowledgedy of
what Benefit to Societies are the Do5for^s Forms and
Profejfons^ that have neither Faith ndr Devotion ?
A Man profeffes his Belief of a -certain Creeds and is
very dextrous and exact in the Pofture-part of Reli^.
gion ; therefore he won^t be unjufi^ or an Whoremonger^
cr a Traitor : Ridiculous^ to imagine it! if his Pro^
feffion is without Faith^ and his Poftures without De^
votion. And therefore if any Confequente can he,
drawn^ concerning Religion y Uis this : That if the
I^eceffity of Moral Virtue, as to the outward A£is ofit^
to the. Ends of Society^ is a juji Reafonfor the Magi-
fir ate to dire£i and prefcribe fuch outward Anions ,
therefore^ fince the inward Belief and Habits of Re-
ligion are equally neceffary to the Ends of Society ^ or to
give a due Effed: and Influence to the Laws of a
Community, the Magijirate hath an equally jufi
Reafon to direui and prefcribe them. But the inward
Faith y the internal Habits of Religion, that internal
Religion, which he affirms to be a, Principle the moft
cfFeftual to promote and fecure the Ends and In-
terefts of Society, the Do5ior allows is exempt from
all civil Authority, and incapable of being prefcribed-by
a civil Eftahlijhment. So that all that the good Man is
contending for, is, that the Magiftrate hath a Right
to ejlablifh^ not that which is the mojt effectual to pro^

mote

PREFACE.

^ote and fecure the Ends and Inter efts of Societ'jy lut
that which canU be any ways effectual to promote thefe
Ends. But whether this be a good Argument for national
Eftablijhments^ I muft leave to more erittcal Enquirers
to determine \ as well as whether the appropriating Ho-
nours^ Lands^ and large Revenues^ for the Support of
fuch Eftabltfhments^ which this great Advocate for them
confeffes do not^ and cannot mojt effectually promote and
fecure the Inter efts of Society^ be conjijtent with true
Politicks^ and the Welfare and Profperity of a Nation.

The turning Point in this Argument is : PPhat the
Welfare of Society depends on^ or what the Inter ejis and
Ends of Society require : And the only Inference that
can be drawn^ isj that what the Inter efls and Ends of
Society require^ that the civil Magiflrate ought to efta^
blijh. Now if the Peace of the Society is maintained
by the externa] Ads of Virtue^ tho" the inward Habits
of it be wanting \ and if the rxcernal Ads of what is
called Religion have not the leait Tendency to fecure the
Ends of Society^ without the inward Belief and Habits
of %t^ then the Do£lor^s Reajoning muft be abfolutely
falfe ; that becaufe the Ends of Society require the Efta-^
bltfhment of the former^ therefore they do alfo of the latter.
That every Man ought to be juft^ and chafte^ and loyal
in his external Behaviour^ is evident ; becaufe^ other--
wije^ the good Order of Societies can^t be maintained :
And therefore Men may^ very reajonably^ be compelled
by Laws to the Obfervance of thefe Virtu es^ and pu*
nifhed if they break the Laws that injoin them. But the
reqtfiring a Man^ by civil Laws, to pro [eft Principles
without Faith ^ and to ufe Ceremonies without Devo-
tion^ is requiring him to do fomething which contri-
butes nothing to the publick Welfare-, fence that Faith
and Devotion^ which the TioBor excludes from his
Eltabafhment^ are the only Things in Relig':n which
have any Tendency to promote and f^ure the Ends
and Inter efts of Society. And there] ore *tis not true^

a z what

XX PRE F A C E.

p. t^Q. what the Do5lor afferts^ that ht who defies the Ma-
giftrate's Right to eftablilh the external Forms and
Profejfwns of any Religion, doth in effe(5t deny his
Right to provide for the publick Happinefs, and
may as reafonably deny his Right to eftablifh
Juftice, Temperance^ and Charity, by Law ; be-
caufe ^.J^/d'r;?^/ Religion, without Faith andDevotio^^
is not as neceffary to the Welfare of Society as the
* external A£i5 of moral Virtue, without the inward
Difpofitiom and Habits of it ; and becaufe the only ra-
tional Obligation of Confcience to thefe e:)Cternal A£Js
of Virtue is not derived from thefe outward A5ls of
Religion^ hut from that internal Religion which is al-
lowed incapable of an Eflablijhment. X^ow it feems very
Jlrange^ that the Magiftrate fhould have no Right ta
eftablifb that which would prove of the highefi Advan^
tage to Society^ and 'jet have a Right to eftablifh fome*
what which can't conduce to this valuable End.

J am very much of the DoBor^s Opinion y in what he

/>. 40. fays: It is certainly to be wifhed, that in every So^
ciety all the Members had thefe internal Difpo-
fitions ; had Principles of Juftice, Charity, ^c.
andy as the furefl Foundation of thefe Virtues, that
they believed, and feared a fupreme Being, the
Judge of their Anions, and the Difpofer of their
Ha-ppinefs. But as thefe internal Principles and
Difpofitions can by no other moral Means be in-
fufed into them,^ than by Arguments, Perfuafion,
and Convidlion of their Judgment ; he inftfis^ that

^4^* the outward Aftions, exprelTive of thefe Difpo-
^ fitions, are within the Reach and Infpeftion of
civil Authority, and a proper Matter of focial Laws,
But 1 think this Obfervation^ as it regards Religion^ can^t
he juft : For^ would the Do£ior have thefe outward Ac-
tions prefcribedby Law^ where there are no inward Dif-
fofitions to anjwer to them ? Would he have Men obliged
by civil Penalties to fubfcribe to Forms of Faith without

be-

PREFACE. xxl

believing them^ and to 'ufe Modes of Worjhip mthout
Devotion ? Is not this to prefcribeH'^pocrify and PFicked-
nefsy by Law ? Is it not ordering Men to make light of
the mojl folemn Subfcripiions^ and teaching them by Law
to evade even the Force and Obligation of Oaths ? And ^
is this to anfwer the Ends of Society ? This the Care
which the Magifiraie owes to the publick Good?

If indeed the EJlablifhment of thefe external Actions
was a -proper Means to infufe the internal Principles ^
if the ejlablifhing the Worfhip of a falfe God had any
I'endency to promote the Beliefs Reverence and Love of
the true God ; or the enjoining Super fiition was the way
to beget true inward Devotion ; then the Do£lor^s Ar^
guing would be rights that the Magistrate in all Places
might command fuch external Actions of Religion^ true
or falje^ as he approves: But the Doctor abfolutely
denies that the internal Principles of Religion can be
infufed by any other moral Means than Argument,
Perfuafion, and Convidion. Therefore they can't
he infufed by e^ablifhing outward Forms and Pro--
feffiom : And^ by confequence^ the efiablifhing the ex-
ternal Actions is e^ablifhingjomewhat thai doth not give
one fingle prefumptive Evidence of the inward Habits
and Difpofitions ; and which hath not fo much as a
Tendency to promote them.

To conclude this Head : There is this Fallacy j in the
whole Courfe of the Do£for^s Reafoning^ from the Right
of the Magi^rate to enjoin by Law the external AEls of
Virtue^ to his Right of prefer ibing the external A£is of
Religion : That he fuppofes the external A5fs of Virtue
and the external A5Is of Religion to be equally neceffary
to the Ends of Society^ and to be equally enjoined as pre-
fumptive Evidences of inward Dijpofuions anfwering to
them : Whereas^ in truths the external AEis of Virtue
•are prefcribed by Law for their own Sakes, and becaufe
dvil Society canH fubfift without them \ and not as pre-
fumptive Evidences of internal Difpofitions : Whereas

a 3 the

xxii PREFACE.

the external A5l5 of Religion are not prefcrihed for them*
felveSy or becaufe Society can^t fulfil without them %
but^ as the Dohor tells us^ as prefumptive Evidences
of internal Religion^ from which they may be feparated,
often are^ and which the EUahlifhment of them hath
confeffedly no moral Tendency to produce. The civil
Laws of Society^ eftahlifhing the external A5ls of Virtue^
are wife and jujl ; becaufe thofe Laws can accomplifh
the End they aim at^ or produce the Anions they injoin*
But to injoin certain external Actions^ called Religion^
as prefumptive Evidences of anfwefaUe internal Dif-
pofttions, is to injoin fomewhat that civil Laws can
never accomplifh ^ becaufe they can^t reach the internal
Difpofition. And therefore^ tho^ the prefcribing the
external AEis of Virtue by civil Laws is a very reafon^
able and neceffary Thing ; yet it doth not follow^ f^om
hence ^ that the prefcribing the external Anions of Re-
ligion is equally reafonable and neceffary.

(5 J And thd* I hope I have a real Regard for true
Religion^ and an equal Regard for Chriflianity, at
leaft with thofe who are for eftablifhing it upon a Scheme^
that mufl neceffarily exclude it out of mojl Parts of the
World : And tho^ 1 very freely acknowledge that the in-
ward Belief and Difpofitions of true Religion are highly
ferviceable to Societies ; yet I think the DoEior can never
prove that Religion, in any Senfe of the Word^ is,
\. 4a. ^^ ^^ ^jl^^^^-i neceffary to give a due Effect and In-
fluence to all Laws of the Community, and to aflert
the Obligation of moral Virtue itfclf i much lefs
equally neceflary with the external A6ts of moral
Virtue. For if the Welfare of Society may be main-
tained by the external ABs of Virtue alone^ but can't be
maintained merely by Religion without this Virtue ;
then the former can't be equally neceffar^^ with the latter^
nor the E^ablifhment of the one equally reafonable with
the other.

PREFACE.

If^ by Religion^ the DoBor means the Belief of the
true God^ and inward Love^ Reverence^ and T)evo*
tion to him \ yet to me it feems too much to affirm^ that
even this is neceffary to ajfert the Obligations of moral
Virtue. The Obligation of moral or focial Virtue arifes^
as I apprehend^ from the Nature of "Things themfelves ;
the common Relation of Men to each other ^ and the ab^
folute Necejfiiy of it to the Re ace and Welfare of Societies ^
and the particular Happinefs of every Individual be-
longing to them : And if there be any divine Revelation
that commands the PraElice of moral Virtue^ one Reafon
mufl he becaufe of its Tendency to focial Happinefs. So
that the Tendency of moral Virtue to focial Happinefs^
or in other Words^ its Reafonablenefs and Obligationy
doth not arife merely from a divine Command injoining
it^ or from any Principles even of true Religion^ how
much foever thofe Principles may inforce and flrengthen
the Practice of it. The Obligation therefore to moral
Virtue^ as it is prior to all Revelation^ fo is it inde^
pendent cf the proper Principles of Religion ; and may
therefore fubfift without them^ even where there are no
internal Principles of true Faith and Devotion^

And though true Religion^ when heartily believed^
gives a noble Effecl and Influence to the Laws of a Com^
munity ; yet 1 think 'tis very evident that there are
many^ in all Societies^ who canU^ in the large fl Charity^
be fuppofcd to have any internal Principles of the Love
and Fear of God^ who yet make tolerably good Members
of Society^ by fhewing a conflanl Regard to thofe focial
Duties of moral Virtue^ on which the Peace and Hap-
pinefs of all Societies do certainly depend: And the very
annexing Penalties to the Breach of civil Laws injoining
Juftice^ and the like focial Virtues 'i is a Demonflration
what the Senfe of all Societies in this Matter is \ and
that they think that civil SanElions will prejerve the
publick Peace^ either where the believed Principles of
Religion will not^ or where the Belief of thofe Principle^

a 4 ii

xXi^i

xxiv PREFACE,

is intirely waiting. So that I ma^j reafonabl'j conclude^
contrary to the Do^ior^s Scheme^ that tho" tbt Prin^
ciples of true Religion^ inwardly believed ^ are of great
Benefit to Society ; yet that they are not^ in the Nature
of Things^ ahfolutely neceffary to give a due Effect and
Influence to all the Laws of a Community^ any more
than they are to affert the Obligations even of moral
Virtue. And my Inference from hence is^ that the
fame Reafons which jujlify the Magi/irate in prefcribing
the external A^s of moral or foetal Virtue^ will not
juflify him in prefcribing Religion ^ even in the true Senfe
of it ; becaufe the external A5is of moral Virtue are
cffentially neceffary to the publick Happinefs^ and will
fecure it : Whereas Religion is not^ in the Nature of
the Thing, neceffary to it ; becaufe the Pra£lice of
fecial Virtue may be maintained without it.

Much lefs are the Do£ior^s Forms and Profeflions
of Religion^ which he would have eftabUfhed without
Faith or Devotion, neceffary to affert the Obliga-
tions of moral Virtue^ or to give a due Influence and
Effe5l to all the Lazvs of a Community : And yet this is
what he fhould have proved^ in order to vindicate the
Magijirate^s Right to eftablifh thefe Forms and Pro^
feffwns. IfreaU true internal Religion^ was neceffary
io thefe great Purpofes^ methinks the Confequence fhould
be the Eflablifhment of fuch internal Religion : But if
this internal Religion be incapable of Eftablifhmentj
what fignifies the Eftablijhment of the Profeffiom and
Forms of it? What Dependance have the Obligations
of moral Virtue upon them ? JVhat good EffeB hath the
injoining them, to promote the Ends of Society ? ^o
make Profeffions of Faith without believing^ and to ufe
Forms of Devotion without any Devotion^ is not Reli-
gion^ but contrary to true Religion. By confequence^ to
affert that the Obligations of moral Virtue^ and the due
Influence and Effe^ of all the haws of a Community de-
pend on Religion^ and yet that they depend on the Forms

and

PREFACE. XXV

and Profejfiom of Religion without Faith or Devotion^
is to ajjert that they depend on Religion^ and yet that
they do not depend on Religion^ hut on fomething very
different from true Religion. And yet the DoBor muft
^iffirm thut the Obligations of moral Virtue^ and the due
Effe5l of all civil Laws^ depend on external Profeffions
and Forms ^ without Faith or Devotion \ or elfe his
whole Reafoning^ from the Obligations of Virtue, and
the Effect of civil Laws^ to the Magijlrate^s Right to
efiabliffj thefe kinds of Forms and Profejfons^ is abfo-
lutely inconclufive and ineffectual.

Thus far have I argued^ upon the ftrongefl Suppo-
fition^ that^ by Religion^ the Do^or means true Re-
ligion ; and^ by the Profeffions and Forms of Religion^
fuch Profeffions and Forms as are agreeable to the Na-
ture of true Religion. But in how miferable a Light
will the Do5lor^s Reafoning appear^ when we apply it
to merely hMmdiuForms and Profeffions \ theProfejjions
of a falfe Religion.^ and the impious Forms of Super^
flition and Idolatry ? For thus runs his Argument :
If the Neceflity of moral Virtue, to the Ends of
a Society, is a juft Reafon for the Magiftrate to
prefcribe fuch outward Aftions as are prefumpcive
Evidences of it ; fince Religion is equally neceffary
to thofe Ends ; necejQTary to give a due Effed and
Influence to all the Laws of a Community, and to
affert the Obligation of moral Virtue it felf ; the
fame Reafons will juftify him, in direding and pre-
fcribing fuch Aftions, as are prefumptive Evidences
of that Principle. He means here the Magiftrate in
general^ in Turkey, Japan, and all other Places \
whatever be the Religion they eftabliffj^ whether true
or falfe ^ as be exprefly afferts. P- ^^^.

My Reader^ 1 think^ mufl be ajlonifhed at this ^^'^' ^^^'
DoBrine^ delivered by one that profeffed himfelf a Chri-
Jlian and Protejlant Divine^ to fee the Obligations of
moral Virtue thus given up^ and placed upon the moji

whim-

xxvi PREFACE.

nhimftcaU precarious^ falfe and wicked Foundations^
for this only Reafon-j /^^/d?/ vindicating the Emolu-
ments and Profits attending the civil Efiahlijhment of
Religion,

7he Point the Do£ior aims to prove ^ is. That *' the
*' Magiftrate of every Com?nunity hath a Right to pre-
*' fcribe [uch external Acts of the Religion that he ap^
«' proves^ as are prefumptive Evidences of the inward
<* Principles ofit.^* And the Reafon by which he fup-
ports his Argument^ is this : '' That Religion is ne-
*' cejfary to give a due EffeEi and Influence to all Laws
« of the Community, and to affert the Obligations of
*^ moral Virtue itjelf :^^ i. e. That every Religion^
which every Magiftrate eftahlijhes, is neceffary to affert
the Obligations of Virtue^ and to give a due Effetl to
the haws of Society.

For injtance: The Athanafian Creed; /^^ going
down of Chrift into Hell : That we have no Power
to do good Works •, that Works done before Grace,
have the Nature of Sin : That the Church hath
Power to decree Rites or Ceremonies, and Autho-
rity in Controverfies of Faith : That the Book of
Confecration of Archbifhops, ^c, hath not any
Thing that is of it felf fuperftitious and ungodly :
Singing of Prayers, Mufick of Organs, Bowing at the
Name of Jefus, Godfathers, and the Crofs in Bap-
tifm. Surplices with Sleeves, Univerftty- Hoods, and
the like, are the Profeffions and Forms eflablifloed in
England ; and therefore becaufe thefe Profeffions and
Forms are neceffary to affert the Obligations of
moral Virtue, ^c and are the prefumptive Evidences
of Religion \ the Magiflrate, itfeems, hath an equal Right
to eflablifh them, as to eflablijh the Acls of moral
Virtue.

Again : Tranfubftaniiation , auricular Confeffion,

Purgatory, the Invocation of Saints, the Worjhip of

Images^ dead Bo dies -^ Rclich^ and the like Follies and

2 Ido^

PREFACE. xxvii

Idolatries^ are the Forms and Profejfwns ejlablijhed in
Italy, Spain, France, and other Catbolick Countries ;
and the Magifirate in thofe Places too bath a Right to
ejlablijh thefe external A5ts as prefumptive Evidences of
the Religion be approves^ hecaufe alfo thefe Forms and
Profeflions of Falfehood and Idolatry are neceflary^
to affert the very Obligations of moral Virtue.

Once more : The Religion ^/Mahomet we Chriftians
fa'j is an Impoflure ; and therefore the Forms and Pro-
feffions^ peculiar to Mahometanifm, are the Forms
and Profeffions of a Religion that is an Impojlure.
But "jet the Magiftrate in 5«r/^^3^has juft the fame^I<^i•
uncontrouled Right toeftablifh the Religion heap-
proves, as the Chriftian Magiftrate hath to efta-
blifh his Choice'; hecaufe the Forms and Profeflions
of his Impofture are, in the Do£lor^s Scheme^ ne-
ceflfary to aflert the Obligations of moral Virtue :
i. e. The Obligations of moral Virtue depend upon an
Impofture.

And in like manner the Emperors of ancient Rome
had the fame uncontrouled Right to eflahlifh the Re-
ligion they approved^ as the Chriftian Magiftrate af-
terwards had to cftablifh his Choice. They had a
Right to eftahlifh^ that an inceftuous^ adulterous Ju-
piter, a drunken Bacchus, a wanton Venus, a
thieving Mercury, the very Devil bimfelf fhouldhe
owned as Gods ; and that the Forms of their Worfhip
fhould confifi in drunken Feafts^ and the mofi leud and
impure Myfteries. They had the same uncon-
trouled Right toeftablifh thefe falfe Gods^ and
thefe abominable and unnatural Methods of worfhip-
ing them^ even as a Chriftian Magiftrate to prejcrihe
the Worfhip of the one true God^ and to entitle this
their accur/ed Religion to pubVick Favour, and tq
Protection from publick Opposition; he-
caufe afo all thefe Forms and Profeffions^ or the Reli-
gion they were to be prefumptive Evidences of were
^ ' ; neceflary,

xxyiii PREFACE.

neceffary, in the Do£Ior^s Judgment^ to aflert the
Obligations of moral Virtue : /. e. 7he Obligations
of moral Virtue depend on the prof effing of Adulter erSy
WhoreSy thieves and Devils^ to be Gods ; the Obli-
gations of Jujiice depend on Thieving^ ofChaJlity upon
IVhoringy and of Sobriety upon Drunkennefs.

If this be true ; O Virtue^ bow precarious and weak
are thy Obligations ! But will ye offer t^ O ye Chrijlian
Divines^ ye Minijiers of the ejtablijbed Church, that
Virtue hath no other Foundations but thefe ? This is
the DoSIrine publickly taught by your once Reverend
Brother, Doofor Rogers -, and being dead, he yet
fpeaketh, by the Vindication of the Civil Eftablilh-
ment of Religion he hath left behind him. Tell me
not, that I mifreprefent his Do5lrine : His very Argu-
ment afferts it ; and his whole Fabrick of the civil Efta-
hlifhment of Religion tumbles to the Ground without it.
For if it be a Reafon why the Magi/Irate in England,
Turkey, Japan, and in every Place of the PVorldy
ought to ejlablijh the Religion he approves, becaufe Re-
ligion is neceffary to affert the Obligations of moral Virtue i
then that Religion, which he approves, is and muji be
thus neceffary to affert the Obligations of moral Virtue.
But if the Religion of old or modern Rome, of Turkey
and Japan, be not neceffary to affert the Obligations of
inoral Virtue, then the Magi/irate in thofe Places will
fiot bejufiified in directing and prefcribing/uch Religions ;
becaufe the very Reafon he gives for this Right of the
Magi/irate^ is, the Neceffity of Religion to affert the
Obligations of moral Virtue: And, by farther confequence^
the Eftablifhment offuch Religions can never be neceffary
to give a due Effeol and Influence to all the Laws of
a Community dire5Iing the outward A^s of moral Vir-
tue i becaufe that which is not neceffary to affert the
Obligations of moral Virtue, can never be abfolutely ne-
ceffary to give a due Infuence and Effect to the Laws
that injoin it.

PREFACE. xxix

To conclude this Head: Moral Virtue will he Moral
Virtue^ and its Obligations firong and unchangeable^
from its neceffar^ Influence to promote the Peace of So*
cieties, and from the mutual Relation to^ and Dependance
on each other ^ that is common to all the Members of a Com--
munit'^^ whether there be an^fmh Thing as an ejlablifhed
Religion or not ; or which foever of the Religions ^ now
eftablifhed in the Worlds be true or falfe. That an'j
particular Religion is not necejfary^ even Jo much as to
give a due Effect and Influence to the Laws of a Com*
munityy is evident^ becaufe civil Laws have had their
due Influence and Effe5l amongft different Nations^ that
have embraced very different and contrary Religions.
Under Judaifm, Paganifm, Chriftisni^y and Ma-
hometanifm, civil Society hath been fupported ; and is
to this Day^ amongft the many different Sorts of Reli--
gions that obtain in the World, And the Truth is, that
*lis not this J or the other different external Form of Re--
ligioHy as fuchy that gives any Effe5i and Influence to the
&ivil Laws of a Community ; fo much as that one Prin-
ciple^ which is more or lefs imprinted by Nature on the
Hearts of all Men ; viz. that God, fome inviflble Being
fo called, is the Avenger of Falfehood, Perjury, and Vice.
If the Members of Society do not believe this, no Forms
or Profeffions of Religion can have any poffible Hold on
their Minds, 72or procure from them any Obedience to
human Laws. And if this Principle be fixed in them,
and duly attended to, it will of it f elf give a real Effefi
and good Influence to fuch Laws amongft all Nations 5
whether or no any particular Form of Religion be received
ly them, or tho^ many different Forms and Profeffions
fhould be allowed or pra^ifed in the fame Society.

And I think 1 am for once fo happy, as to have
Doctor Rogers with me in this Sentiment. For thus
he argues: Reafon would tell fuch, as could make^ ^^'
any tolerable Ufe of it, that without Religion their
Society would want its ftrongeft Cement, and all

focial

XXX

PREFACE.

focial Virtues iheir ftrongeft Obligation. Thofe
to whom the Authority and Government of the
Society fhould be committed, could npt but per-
ceive what Advantage it would be, in the Difchargc
of their Office, to be affured of the Fidelity and
Duty of their Subjedls, from Principles of Con-
fcience, and an Apprehenfion of God's Difpleafure.
And what could be more defireable to theSubjefts,
than that their Governors, who had no Superiors
on Earth, fhould acknowledge one in Heaven,
-and be reftrained from any injurious Abufe of their
Power, by the Dread of a Being, whom no Cun-
ning could elude, no Power rciift ? To every
Man Reafon would fuggeft, that nothing could fo
efFeftually promote amojDgft Men that mutual
Truft and Confidence in each other, Juftice and
Veracity, which the Ends of Society require, as
a Prefumption that each aded under the Awe of
a fupreme Being. The Principle here mentioned by
the Do^fory is no more than the Belief of a Gody of al-
mighty Power and infinite Wifdom^ concerned to funijh
the Crimes of both Magifirates and Subjects. The ah-
ing under the Awes of fuch a Beings he thinks Reafon
would fuggeft y as the moft effe£iual Means to promote
that mutual Confidence and Truft that the Ends of So-
ciety require.

But when he afks^ by what outward Evidences
could Men affure each other that they believed
and feared an al^DJghry, omnifcient Judge, the
Avenger of all Injuftice and Falfehood? and an*
fwers^ I know none but an open Ptuf (Ti -n iUiC. Ob-
fervan^e A Ion e Religion : / canU but think that his
Inference i^ wrong ; ij he means the Profefficn ana Ob^
fervance of any p.irrciilai Re'ig'On, as difttnol from
ail others. For inftahcc ; how is a Man^s profejjing to
believe in Mahomcr, an Injjjo/lor, in Mercury, the
God of Thieving^ or in Venus, the Patronefs oflVhores^

neceffary

PREFACE- xxxi

r.eceffary to give any outward Evidence that he believes
and fears an almighty Judge^ the Avenger of Injujlice
and Falfehood ? Or how doth it follow^ that hecaufe a
Man fubfcribes to certain Articles^ wears a fquare Cap
at Chapeh or bows at the Name ofjefus^ that therefore
be gives evidence that he a5fs under the Awe of afupreme
Being ? All civilized Nations have thought it afuficient
prejumptive Evidence that Men a£i under this Awe^
when they fole^nnly acknowledge Juch a fupreme Beings and
a^ually appeal to him as the Avenger of Injujlice and
Falfehood. So that thd* itfhould be acknowledged^ that
this general Principle of Religion may be greatly condu^
cive^ or evenfometimes nueffary to give civil Laws their
due Effe^ and Influence \ yet it will by no Means follow ^
that tloe cftablifmng of this or the other external Form., or
of any Form exclufive of others^ is neceffary or conducive
to this End. It rather proves that all Religions., that in-'
culcate this Principle^ ought to he protected by the civil Ma^
gifirate ; and that all wboprofefs to believe it /hould^ for
, this Reafon alone., be intitled to all the Privileges of Society.
III. / would chferve^ that the Doctor himfelf allows
this Reafoning to be jufi : For he fays^ the Idea of an;?. 77.
Eftablifhmcnt doth not neceffarily imply a Con-
finement to one Religion ; and therefore^ to ufe bis
own wordsy this Reafon will extend to ten Sefts ofp' IC4*
Religion, as well as to one. And as one Part of the
Eflablijhment he pleads for ^ are Allotments of Sup-
pore and Favour, afcertained and confirmed by
Law ; what Reafon can there be why the Magiflrate
Jhould not afcertain thefe Allotments of Support and Fa-
vour to all bis Subje5ls^ whatever be their particular
Form of Religion., provided they give him the Security
that they believe in this almighty Judge ; fmce he con-
feffes that the Nature of an Eftablifhment doth not ne^
cejfarily confine Allotments of Support and Favour to one
Scheme of Religion? This Conceflion, which thef S'l.
Nature of the Thing, and the Evidence of the

Truih,

xxxii PREFACE.

Truth, hath extorted from the DoElor^ abundantly
fhews^ that the Interejls of Society do not require the
exclufive EJtahliJhment of any particular Religion ; and
that Societies may enjoy all the Advantages of Religion^
without confining thofe excellent Appendages^ thofe A5ls
of Munificence^ thofe Meafures of Favour^ and Allot-
ments of Support^ which he pleads for ^ taany one par-
ticular Form and Profeffwn whatfoever.

If the Idea of an Eftablifhment doth not necejfarily
imply a Confinement to one Religion^ I would fain know
what Idea then doth ? Is it the Magiflrate^s Idea^
or the Prieji*s ? If DoElor Rogers had been to advife
the Magiflrate, be would have told him^ that tho*
thefe Advantages of Preference may be extended
to more than one Scheme of Religion •> yet he pre-
fumes Reafons of Prudence will generally deter-
?^ mine for the Eftablifhment of but one. So that Uis
the Doftor's Idea, and the Do^or^s Idea of Pru-
dence, that is for confining ABs of Munificence to one
Religion^ even after he hath confeffed that Advantages
of Preference may be extended to more. I think it would
have been the ftronger way of Arguing^ to have inferred
fuch Confinement either from the Idea of Religion,
or the Idea of an Eftablifhment, than from any pri-
vate Idea of the Do^or^s Prudence •, which I cannot
help condemning^ as a little too felfifh and partial \
ftnce he is in Prudence /c^r turning out all Religions hut
his own^ from the Magiftrate^s Allotment of Support
and Favour^ and for having no body fhare in the pub-
lick A^s of Munificence but himfelf and Friends. I am
forry the Do5lor^s Religion was fo very touchy and
envious y as not to endure the 'Magijlrate^s Favour to
fhine on any other ; and that his Prudence was fo ex-
tremely cautious^ as to confine all AEls of Munificence to
the Idea of his own Religion^ when 'the Idea of an Effa-
llifhment did not require it.

PREFACE. xxxiii

I thinks however^ this Concejfton will intirely o'ver*
throw the Doctor* s Argument. For if there be nothing
in the Idea of an Eftablijhment to confine it to one Reli-
gion^ I am fure there is nothing in the Idea of the
Do£lor*s Religion to be eflablijhed^ which was a purely
external one^ to confine it \ every Scheme of IVorfhip
and Faith being as capable of Efiablijhment^ as ans/ one.
Nor is there any Thing in the Idea of Societ\\ or the
Welfare of Society^ that fhould perjuade juch Confine^^
ment. If the Society be of differcnc Religions, the
Idea of fuch a Society feems, as far as Juftice and
Equity can be allowed good Reafons, to be afolid Reafon
why thofe fever al Religions^ or rather the Perfons pro*
fejftng them^ fhould be intitled to the Magifirate*s Sup^
jport and Favour. For by fuch an impartial Proce-*
dure Envy and ill Blood would be prevented between
the feveral Members of the Society^ every Man would
be eefy in the Profeffton of his own Religion^ and the
whole Society would receive all the Advantages that Re--
ligion could pofftbly derive on Society. Nor^ laflly^ is
there any Things in the Idea of Magiflracy^ or any
rightful Power belonging to it^ that makes fuch a con*-
fined Eflablifhment necefjary. For^ 1 apprehend^ that
the Power of the Magijlrate is^ or ought to be bounded^
by the Reafon of Things^ the Ends of Soci.Hy^ and the
Mature of Religion : And^ of confequence^ fince there
is nothing in the Idea of all thefe "Things^ there can be
nothing in the Idea of Magiflracy^ for the confining the
Magifirate*s Favour and Support to the Prfejfors of but
one Religion. So that as there is nothing in the Idea of
the DofJior^s E/iablifhment, Religion, Society or Ma-
gifiracy^ to confine the Magijlrate^ s Favour and Sup-
fort to only one Religion, or to extend Advantages of
Preference to one ; it may be extended to two, and for
the fame Re^on to two and twenty, and therefore to all
the particular Religions^ of a Society ; i. e. in other
Words^ there is no Reafon for any exclufive Eflablip^

b ment

xxxir ? R E FACE.

ment at dll^ except it he the BoMor^s Idea of Pru-
dence^

I can concfi've. but two Reafons of Prudence^ that
will generally determine for the EficthUJhment of but one ;
which are^ thai by this Method the Clergy of Juch an
EJlaUifhmeni will grow rich and powerful^ and the Ma-
gijlrate may fometimes moreeffe^ually make ufe of them ^
iofuhfcrve any Purpofes he may have in view^ and wants
propter Helps to accomplifh. As the Do5for hath not
^ecified what his Reafons of Prudence are^ I muft
take notice of thofe which naturally occur to me : Nor
can 1 devife any other ^ than thefe two. ' Aj to the firj}^
I doubt not but the Clergy of all Sorts love Riches and
Power ^ and will highly extol the Wifdom and Prudence
of any Prince and State ^ that will gratify them in fuch
JDefires. But^

Dicite, Pontifices, in fanfto quid facit aurum ?

Whether the Intere^s of Religion^ the Liberties of Man--
kindj and the Welfare of Societies have beft profpered,
when the Churchy i. e. the Clergy^ have been moft
triumphant in thefe Blejfmgs^ let the Experience of
former Ages^ and the Obfervation of every thoughtful
Man in our own^ determine. Pll not enter into the
Detail J left I pould be charged with bitter Virulence
againft the Clergy •, but beg leave to propofe^ whether
any Reafons of Prudence would engage a wife Magi^
ftrate^ or a cautious Society ^ to intruft a Body of Men^
by their Pretenftons and Offices different from the reft
of the Society^ big with Notions of heavenly Embafftes^
divine Miffions^ apoftolical Succeffions^ Powers of Re^
iniffion and Abfolution^ and the like Claims^ with large
Shares of Power and Riches -, which they have in favi
oftentimes made ufe of to raife FaElions^ Seditions^ and
Rebellions in the State ; to enflave Mankind^ and to
curb and deftroy the rightful Powers of the civil Ma--

* giftrate

PREFACE.

giftrate himfelf. Reafons of Prudence would rather
dire5l narrowly to infpe£i the Marnier s^ and watch the
Motions of fuch a dangerous Combination ; as the Ne^
cejftties of Government have oftentimes forced the Ma-
gijlrate to humble their Ambition^ to pare their Incomes^
and clip their Wings,

^ho* a goodMinifier^ or Clergyman^ who is faithful to
his Prince^ a Friend to his Countrfs Liberties^ exem^
plary in his Life^ and faithful in the Bifcharge of the
Duties of his Fun^ion^ by encouraging Virtue and Piety ^
Benevolence and Charity^ deferves all the Support ne^
ceffary to his Succefs in this great Work^ and will fecure the
Lov8 and Efteem of all wife and good Men ; yet when
thofe who call themfelves the Ambaffadors of Jefus
Chrift, and the facred Minijlers of Religion^ are fa
thoroughly under the Power of an earthly Mind, as to
plead for the confining the great Advantages of Societies
to themfelves only, and the very Rights of Suhje5fs to
thofe of their own Completion and Perfuafion \ when
they are for branding all others with Marks of Incapacity
and Infamy^ and leaving them under the dreadful Weight
of negative and pofitive Penalties ; thoughtful Perjons
will with too much Jujiice believe, that thd* the Efta^
hlifhment of Religion be the Thing pleaded for, the real
Deftgn is to eliablijh themfelves \ and that Religion is
only valuable, in their Account, according to the fecular
Advantages and Profits^ which the Profeffwn of it ma^
fecure them.

And if one may guefs^ by theDo^or^s Argument, thefe
were amongft the Reafons oj Prudence^ which he thmks
will generally determine for the EJlabliJhinent of but one
Religion. For, what is the whole Defign of his Book, but
to vindicate the civil Eftablifhmenc of Religion, in
every Nation, whatfoever it be ? i. e. to vindicate the ap*
propriating Riches, Honours, and Powers, to the Clergy
of every eftablijhed Religion, true or falfe, throughout
the World 5 and the fubje^ing the Members of every

b 2 Society

XXX7

xxxvi PRE F A C E.

Society to negative /ind pofitive Penalties^ who canU
fubfcribe and conform to thepublick Profejftons and Rites ;
and even the depriving them of a Thaler aiion^ if the Ma-
giflrate or Majority thinks fit. But can this be any
Argument of his Love ta Religiony. or his Zeal for Chrp-
fiianity? Can the Man^ who even in a Chrifiian
Country^ pleads againfi the very Toleration Qf Chrif-
tianity among/i Mahometan ^//^i Pagan Nations, and
> 165. exprefly affirms^ that where a falfe Religion happens
to be eftabli(hed, it muft always continue fo, till
they who have Authority to repeal it are convinced
that it ought not to be eftablifhed -, can fucb a Man
he a Friend to Chri fiianity y any farther than Uis the.
eSlaUiJhed Religion of his Country ^ and gives him a
legal Property in the Privileges and Advantages an^
nexed to the Prgfeffion of it ?\^ I leave others to judge
upon what Principles this publick Advocate for the ex-
cluftve Efiablifhment of Paganifm, Mahometanifm
and Popery, in thofe Countries where the Magiifrate
happens to be a Friend to either of them y can himfelfbe
a real Friend to Chri fiianity and Protejiantifm. But
I envy no one the Honour of being a Champion for fuch
a Caufe, nor the Clergy fuck^ ^H.^^vocate for their
Riches and Power. ., - .

However^ let him not argue from the Nature of
Religion^ nor from the Advantages of Religion to So-
cieties ; when the Preference he pleads for^ is not that
true Religion fhould be prefer ed to the falfe^ ^ut that the
Clergy ofafalfe Religion floould bepreferedto thofe of the
true^ when the Magiffrate thinks fit ; and that the
Profeffors of a true Religion fhould be denied thepublick
Allotments of Support and Fqvour^ the common Pro^
te£iion and Rights of Subje^s^ and even the Benefits of
a Toleralion^ tho" they can give^ and are willing to
give all the Security of Religion to the Society for their
good Behaviour y if the civil Power or Majority Jhauld
fo determine} and that hehimfelfonlyy and bii Friends^
Awx^^i^ ?\9 ^udgti^ b»t> i\?\i^^-^g ^Ai i^*^ fhould

P R E F A.C E. . xxxvii

Jbould he admitted^ good Men, to all the Preferments^
Honours and Profits^ thro" out all his Majeftfs Do7ni-
nions. But^ for God's fake^ how is this deriving on
Societies thofe Advantages of Religion, for which
human Wifdom can dcvife no Equivalent ? Is not his
whole Book calculated to derive all the Advantages of Re^
ligion^ in one Senfe^ to himfelf and Part'j ? Is it not
his exprefs Doctrine ^ that the Magistrate may deny So^
defies the Advantages of Religion^ hy excluding Men
from the Privileges and Rights of Society ; and denying
them a Toleration^ even when they can give the mofi
genuine Proofs of their hearty Belief of ^ and Submijfwn
to its Principley? Is not this really making true Reli^
gion oftentimes an extremely criminal Thing ; and.^ con^
Jidering the State of the Worlds generally a very dan^
gerous one ? He is for deriving the Advantages of
Religion on Societies, only by deriving thofe Advan^
tages on one Part of every Society^ and by infixing po^
fttive and negative Penalties on the other Part for their
very Adherence to Religion ; i. e. by denying Socie-
ties the Advantages of Religion, and not fuffering
them to take the Security of it^ from many who are beji
able and mcjl willing to give it. Thisfeems to have been
one of the Infiances of the Do^or^s admirable Prudence.
But if the Reafons of Prudence which he mentions^
be derived from the political Views of the civil Ma-
giifrate, who by having the Difppfal of the Hiches^ Ho^
nours, Emoluments and Profits^ annexed to the Pro-
feffion of the eriablifhed Religion^ will probably often
have it in his Potver to make thofe to whom they are
allotted and confined very tra^ahle^ and fubfervient
to his political Defigns \ all 1 have to fay^ is^ that
I pity that Clergy which lie under fuch Obligations^
and who for the fake of fecular Advantages Jo much
debafe their fstcred CharaEler^ cis to be employed as
Agents and Tools to carry on the political and fecular
View^ of even the greatefl and mighiieji on Earth.

b 3 fVhat

XKXviii P R E F A C E.

What is this too^ amongft thdfe Advantages which
R-eligion derives on Societies, and for which hu-
man Wifdom can devife no Equivalent ? 1 need
ml tell the World wlxxiVfe hath been generally made of
iheifi-^^ mr -what Puff oM have been promotea by their
Influence : I forheafM tfiake^ any RefleSfions upon fo
ungrateful a SubjeB'\]dnd fhall only add, that if the
DotJor had any other 'R^afons of Prudence than thefe^
he "jjculd have been but^pfi' to himjelf cmdhis Caufe to
bave mentioned them. But^ ^<'^4A\ i^c^v

IV. 1 would farther ''oh ferve, that tho* the 'Doctor
declares himftlf to:be, mfoind Refp'e5is, for a "Toleration
cf Religions different frorn the eftahlified ; yet that his
Scheme gives a Licence ip, afidjujlifies all the Meafures
of the fever efl Perfecution. "Thus he tells us, that the
^4^ Magihrate owes Proteftibn to all : But *tis a Pro-
teftion in their legal Rights ; i, e. in thofe Rights
only, which the Laws of the Society the j live amongft
intitk them to. For he adds: 0\ thefe Rights the
Law is the Meafure -, and if any Subjeft will claim
Rights without or againft Law, or a Liberty of
invading or with-holding the legal Rights of others,
the Magiftrate owes hifti no Proreftion in thefe
Claims : On the contrary^ the Proteftion he owes
to others, will oblige him to corred and reilrain
fuch irregular and injurious Attempts, ^hus in
Italy, Spain, and Portugal, the Magiffrate owes
Protection to "all : Biif ^th a Proteftion in their
legal Rights, 'pf thofe R^ Law is the Mea-

fure i a/td f unySuhjeSt in ihofe Countries will claim
Rights withoiit, o^ a^fiTft I-aW, the Magiftrate
owes himrjno Proteftiob i*]^ thdfe Claims. On the
contrary, tlje: Prbtetftfd^^^^^^^^^^ will

oblige hini to CorVedt ai*id teftrain fuch irregular
and injurious Attempts. 7;^ Spain, Italy, and
Portugal, the Lav) fuhjeSls all Proteftants and Here-
tkks to the Injuijition^ 4nd to be burnt to death for their

Adhc-

P R E F A C E. xxxix

Adherence to Chriffianily ; and^ by DoUor Rogers'^.
Principles^ ihofe miferabk Creatures have no Ciaifhy
either to Liberty of Confcience^ or Safety of Life, *' The
** Law is againft them ; and if they claim thife Things ^
«* ^tis not only without^ but againjt Law^ and the Ma-
*« gijtrate there owes them no ProteSiion in thefe Claims.
^^ On the contrary^ the Prote^ioh he owes to the In-
^' quifition^ and the holy Fathers the Inquifilo'rs^ ob-
^\ liges him to correal and retrain fuch irregular and.
•* injurious Attempts,^^

Would one imagine^ that an honeft Man Could ever
thus vindicate the mofl iniquitous Laws of a Society ?
That a Chriftian^ and Proteftant Divine^ could thffs
turn Advocate for the perfecuting Laws of an accurjed
Inquifition ? For all the fiandin^ Laws^ amongji M.-^--
hometans and Pagans, for the Extirpation of ChrU
ftianiiy ? Should a Chriftian in Turkey or Japan
complain of his Pcrfecutors, and of the Severity of the
Laws againji Chrijlians.', and claim as due to him ^ by
the Laws of God and Nature^ a Right to profefs his
own Religion ; the Magiftrate hath his Anfwer ready.
V^ Ihe Law is the Meafure of your Rights, and I owe
*' you no Prote£lion but in the Rights which the La^
*^ allows you. The Law condemns you to Mijery and
*' Death \ and your Clairn of Liberty to profefs your
" Religion, is both without and contrary to Law, an:d
** therefore defervesCorre^lion and Reft raint,^* And
this Reafoning upon Dr. Rogers*^ Principles is juft dnd
conclufive. Bui furely this is to confound all Right ^ arid
Wrong, and to make the partic^ular Laws of Societies the
Meafure and Standard of Truth dndjujlice ; as wellizs
opening aDoorto ev crykind of Violence f or Confciefice-jake,
and fan5lifying themoji unrighteous Laws that can be made
to dejtroy the beft Reli^on, and murder the Profejforsofit.

But farther J, the I^5tor a^ts^'^'' That' all Penal- p^ 2>6,S'j,.
* ' titV^jmplied,jn\j0gative Difcpuragcments, may fujily
^^ be affiled to A BK'B.^ iNCOMPr-iANGi: with an efta-

b 4 ^ '' bliHied

^I PRE FACE.

" bliftied Religion, thou^ fuch Forfeiture may it^L
** fome Inftances be very affliSfive^ and zticndtd witb^

«' THE Loss EVEN OF LlVEI-YHOOD AND SuB^^

** sisTENCE :'* i. e. 7he bare Incompliance with the
eUabliJhed Idolatries ^Paganifm a^d Popery may be
funijhed with all negative Penalties and Difcourage-
tnents y with the Lofs even of Livelihoods and Sub-
Ji/iencey andy by cmfiqttence^ with the Lofs of Life^
which cannot ke maintained without a Livdyhood andA
Subftjience. Thefe^ it feems^ are the Dc^or^s negative
DifcouragemeniS), arid fo alfo is the Exclufton of a Per^
fon from his EJlate, and Liberty. Indeed all Penalties
wbatfoever are properly negative \ i. e, they imply a
Denial of fome valuable Benefit and Privilege. And
if the bare Incompliance with an e^ablijhed Religion
may expofe Perfons to any of thofe Penalties implied in
negative Difcouragements^ it may expofe them to all of
them ; and^ by confequencej not only to the Lofs of Live^
lyhood and Subfiflence^ but to the Lofs of Reputation^
Efiate^ Liberty ^ and Life it felf. If the bare Incom*
fliance with a national Religion be neither an Offence
againji God, nor an Injury to Societies, the punifhing
it with any negative Penalties is unrighteous andtyran-
nical. If fuch- a bare Incompliance be really prejudiciaiti
to Societies,, the Magiffrate may affix fuch Penalties as
will effe3ually prevent it.^ The DoSlor allows he may
punip it with the Lofs df Lively hood and Sub^
fiftence ; and therefore if this Lofs will not prevent
fuch incompliance^ he may punifh it with fuch farther

\\^^-Lofs'as will ^nfwer the End \ fince a Right to prevent
"^'fkch Inc&Ptpliance^ that doth not aniount to a Right to
prevent ^k Hffe^uallyi is m Right to prevent it alL
^hus fatal will the T)o£for^s Scheme of negative PenaU
ties pro^e-^ to-Juch as 4anlt in -cmfci^tce comply with
a nafmal E^abUfhrn^Hi?^^ bar ^^lnH airij k
^he Truth is,*^'ihUipiJiwlfion df Penalties, into po*

Ml 0tive afid x^^.^z,x\tty ^atb no real Foundation^ fince

PREFACE. xli

all Penalties are equal^ negative^ and equally pofitive,
J be putting a Man to death pofitivelyy is onl^y nega-
iively^ depriving him of the Benefit of Life. And the
excluding Men from certain Privileges of Society^ only
for not complying with an E^ablifhment^ is pofitively
fetting a Mark of Incapacity ^ and Brand of Infamy upon
them ; ^tis pointing them out as Criminals^ unworthy
of the full ProteBion of the Magiifrate^ and the common
Rights of Subje^s. And when fuch Forfeitures are
attended with the Lofs of Lively hood and Sub-
fiftence, Uis the pofitive Penalty of farcing them either
to beg or ftarve.

And if a bare Incompliance with an e^aUifhcd Re-
ligion may be thus punijhed by the Magifirate^ as the
Do5ior afferts^ we may be affured^ that be hath full
Vengeance in fiore for every thing that looks like real
Oppofition to it. i'hus he afirms : There is a great^ 9^-
Difference between not aftively complying with
a Law, and afting in oppofition to it » and that
a Goertion of the one may be as juft and reafonable,
as Indulgence to the other: And if Adions done
irt oppofition to the Laws of an Eftabliflimenr,
appear dangerous to the Peace, ^c. of the Com-
munity, it will be as much a Dgty of his Office to
reftrain thefe Aftions by pofitive Penalties, as any
other of the fame Tendency. Again ; that if the^ ^^3*
Magiftrate apprehends the Principles maintained
by any Seft to be inconfiftent with the civil Peace,
he is allowed to reftrain, under pofitive Penalties,
the publick Profeflion of that Sed : And if he ap-^ 104/
prehends the Toleration of one or more Sedts, or ^^^'
ANY Toleration at all, to be dangerous to
civil Peace, he is protefted in refufing it i even
thd" thefaid Magiftrate may mif-judge in the Ap-
plication of this Rule, ^nd exclude from Toleration
fuch Seds of Religion as ought not to be excluded.
Aiain : \y.^ii^^% in thp Magiftratg'* Pifcretion,^ ii^

whether

xlii P R E F AG t.

whether he fliould colerace, or not tolerate any Sc^,
p. 115. Again: To ftir up Parties and Fadions againfl the
Eftablifliment, to labour by publkk Preaching i3r
Writing to with-draw Mens Submifllon from it,
and gather Congregations in oppofition to it, are
Actions which no general Rule of Confcience can
oblige Men to. If this be the Cafe 5 if Toleration he
not if)e natural Right of tver^ good Suhje5l •, if it be in
the Magijirate^s Di/cretion^ whether he will tolerate
any Se£is or no ; and if he may reftrain^ by pofttive
Penalties^ the publick Profejffton of any and every SeEi \
then he mufi have a -Right to forbid the ;publick Profejffton
of any Se£f^ by fuch -pofiiive Penalties as will efeSiually
anfwer this End \ by Fines^ Gallies^ Pillories^ JVhip^
jpings^ Mutilations, and Imprifonments \ and if thefc
are found ineffectual^ even by Death it felf. And if
ihis Right be inherent in the Magilfrate, as Juehy the
Magifraie in Popfh Countries may prohibit the Se5l
of ProteflantSy and the Magifirate in Turkey and
Japan the Se3 of Chriftianity^ under the Penalty of
Death it felf By ccnfequence^ the civil Magifirate in
'€very diflinh State in the World may perfecute to deathy
if he thinks proper^ every Man that differs from the
eflablifked Religion % and the DoSlor is an Advocate for
Nerov Domitian, Dioclefian, the Inquifition^ and
the whole Herd of Defiroyers that ever have livedo or
fhalHive to the End of the World.

So bloody is the Scheme of EjlaUijhment which the
Do£ior vindi. ates, andfo unbounded the Range he gives.
to this Fury and Devil of Perfecution ! *^is a Do^rine
that lets Hell -it felf loofe upon the ISations of the Earthy
and that vindicates every tyrannical and fanguinary
Law that can be nutde for the E^atirpation of Rtghteoiff'
nefs and Truth. Toleration^ it feemsy is no longer a
Matter of Right and Juflice ! ^Tis purely in the Dif-
cretion of the Magifirate^ who may grant it or refufe it^
ftifjays and cVery where -^ juft as his Caprice leads him^
-n«' : his

P R E F A C El 5diii

his Apprehenfton guides him, or his Priefts dtre5i him.
If he apprehends any Toleration to be dangerous
to the civil Peace, he is protcded in refufing it.
He is therefore proteBed andjufiified in demolijhing the
churches i confifcating the EJiates, in confining^ hanifh-
ing^ torturing^ and burning the Perfons of thofe who
d^erfrom the ejiablifloed Religion \ in a word^ in ufing
all the Severities that Heart can invent^ or Malice fug-
ge/l, to fupprefs thofe Se5ls, which he is proteffed in
refufing a Toleration to : Becaufe a Right in the Ma-
gifirate, to refufe a Toleration^ implies a Right to ufe
every Method to render that Refufal effe^iuaL But
if the DoBor^s Ejlahlifhments car^t he vindicated without
fuch large and dreadful Conceffions as thefe^ they mufl he
the Terror and Abhorrence of every one^ who hath the
common Principles of Humanity remaining in him.

V. The Bohor^s Scheme vindicates and juftifies the
Scribes and Pharifees, and Rulers of the Jews, in the
Crucifixion of our hleffed Saviour ; reproaches and con-
demns the Conduct of the Apoflles and primitive Chri^
(lians^ the firft Reformers^ and our own Societies for
'Propagation of the GofpeL For he fays^ That no ge-?* M^*
neral Principles of Morality or Religion can obliga
a private Man publickly to oppofe whatever he
thinks erroneous in an Eftabliihrnent : That for af* ^^^*
private Subjeft publickly to cenfure the Equity or
Expediency of the prefent Eftabliihrnent, and re-
proach it as unjuft or tyrannical, is Mutiny and ^
Sedition : That if Adtions done in oppofition to the
Laws of an Eftabliihrnent appear dangerous to the
Peace, &?r. of the Community, it will be as much
a Duly of his (the Magijlrate^s) Office to reftrain
thefe A6tlons by pofiiive Penalties, as any other
of the fame Tendency : And that of this Danger
the Magiftrate is the Judge. That tho' God, by^' ^'^^^
a fpecial Call, may require any Man to oppofe an
eftablilbed Religions y^t if the Magiftrate is n9t

con-

xliv PRE F A^Cf^E;

convinced, he cannot bur. confider the Man as
niiftaken at kaft, if not a feditious Impoftor ; and
is at liberty either to tolerate or reftrain the A(5tion,
as the Nature and Tendency of it appear to him.
Preface, That ALL publick Difputations about Foints of Re-
P* 7- Jigion, be the Matter of greater or leffer Impor-
tance in it felf, may juftly and wifely be reftrained
by civil Authority, when they produce, or appa-
rently threaten ill EfFefts on the publick Peace and
/>. 115, Welfare. That^ in fome Inftances, Motives of
^^"^ Religion and Confcicnce towards God may concur,
and juftly determine his Conduct. If the publick
ProfelTions, or Worfliip of any Se£t, contain Blaf-
phemies againft the Goc^ he adores -, if they main-
tain Principles afFrontive'to the Attributes of the
divine Nature, and which tend to introduce Irre-
ligion and Profanenefs ; he may reafonably efteem
himfelf obliged, in Confcience, and from ihac
Concern he owes to the Honour of God,- to re -
f. 101. ftrain them. And finallj •, the publick Profeffing,
Teaching, and Exercife of different Schemes oft
Religion, may from different Circumftances be"
either dangerous, or not dangerous to civil Peace,
(^.c. And accordingly as tliey appear under either
of thefe Charadlers, this Motive may perfuad^ the-
Magiftrate either to reftrain them under poficive
Penalties, or indulge an Ejcemption from them,
/K 11^, Where a Man apprehends it unlawful tor ^^^^ to
U5« join in Worfhip with an euablifhed Reiigion, if
he hath opportunity of JQiningin cR^fe^w;.^^^^^
andtfter religiou^' A ffemb^y ' |v^^ |>e.^ app^ oves^
he 'ftiiy reafonably tlviplc' it fiis Puty fo o do:
5^/ -Whether ' the P^ag^^^^ ^ fiiould permit fnch
AlTembli^s, '^peri^^^^ of civil

Peac*. Biill: ^dtf^ publick Ads t-j endeavour
the 'Subveffiorf'()f the EftabliQimcnc v to (lir up
• *fartl€s^^hd*Faftions againft:' it ^ to labour, by
' ^^ • "^ - public^;

P Fl E E A. Cr n, xlv

publick Preaching or Writing, to withdraw Mens
Submiflion from it, and gather Congregations in
Dppoficion to it, are Aftions which I conceive n^
general Rule of Cortfcience can oblige Men to^l
and therefore an nniimiced Liberty in them,, can*
not be claimed as a Libi^rty due to Confcience.^
Th^fe are the Db^or^s exprefs Pofiiions : And tb^ff^j
if they are irue^ '*^

I. fVtll jujlify ihe Scribes and Pharifees, and
Rulers of the Jews, in reflrainingy by pofithe Penal^
ties, our bleffed Sci'Viour ftom the publick Exsrcife op.
his Minijiry, and in piilting him to death. For ouif^^
bleffed Lord did publickly oppofe what he thought erro^'^
neous in the EJiablifhment of the Jews; and, what
was more, fever ely censured the jlanding teachers and
Clergy of the Jcwrfh Church, as Hypocrites, blindh
Guides, ^^//(i a Generation of Vipers, He did, what
ihe Do£lor affirms to be Mutiny and Sedition, cenrd
furc the Equity and Expediency of the Eflablifhmenty^
and reproached it as unjuft and tyrannical. He •

publickly difputed about Points of Religion of the
higheft Importance, in oppofition to the current
Doilrine of the Jewifh Churcf). He publickly pro-^-^
feffed, taught, and exercifed a different Scheme of-A
Religion from the publick h he endeavoured the r
Subverfion of the publick Eftablifliment himfsjf^
and fent his Apoftles amongjt the Jews to carry on the
^ameDefign. He publickly preached againfi it, and ^^^ ^
irew great Multitudes after him in oppofition to it.

^Tis true, be had a fpecial Commiffion and Call ^
rom God to do thus: But yet the Magifirate was non
:onvinced ; and he looked on the Man, not only as
[Tiiftaken, hut as a feditious Impoftor and jyeceivenxA
f the People ; and was fully perfuaded that his ConduSfs /
%nd Doctrine would produce, and did apparently ■ ^^
:hreaten, ill Effedls on the publick Peace and fi^el-
'are. For be was accufed as one that fubverc^d t^ief ^'^ *«"'•

^vi I^R E FACE.

Nation, -and forbid to give Tribute to Ccsjar\ fay-
ing, that he himfelf was a King. After the chief
Prieji and Fhariiees had in Council confidered and ac-
knowledged the Miracles of Chriji^ it was their general

Join XI. Opinion : If we let him thus alone, all Men will

4^' believe on him ; and the Romans Ihall come and

take away both X)ur Place and Nation. And on
this Account^ hecaufe of the ill Effcfts that thus ap-
parently threatned Church anii State, they all of

r^r. $0. fhem came into Caiaphas*j Expedient: It is better
that one Man Ihould die for the People, and that
the whole Nation perifh not, Chrift indeed had a
fpecial Commiflion and Command, and was obliged

Hog. vlnd. in Confcience to aft as he did : But what was this

P* ^^^- to the Magiftrate? How did Cbrifi's Perfuafion
alter his Duty, unlefs that Pctfuafionof Chrift^s ap-
peared to him formed really on a divine Command ?
IVas he obliged to revoke the Eftablifhment of
a Religion, in which he faw no Fault, in obedience
to a Meffage from God, for which he faw no
Proof? Or fhotild he permit the Man to embroil
the Kingdom by Faftions at home, or expofe it to
the Attempts of Enemies abroad, merely becaufe
Chrifi was perfuadcd he ought to do fo ?

f. 146. But did not the Jewifh Rulers fhut their Eyes
againft the Light, and harden their Hearts againft
Conviftion ? And was not this their Crime, that
they were not convinced, when fufficient Evidence
lay before them ? 1 will anfwer^ for the Jewifh

;• 149* Rulers^ in theDo£lor^s Words: That a fpecial Com-
mand of God himfelf, requiring any Pcrfon pub-
lickly to oppofe an eftablifhed Religion, no farther
obliges the Magiftrate to encourage or permit fuch
Oppofuion, than the Pretence of it is fupporced by
good Evidence, If, upon Examination, fuch Sup-
port is wanting ; the Pretence of a divine Miflion^
aad ail Obligation of Confcience arifing from it^

muft

P R B F A C E. xlvii

mufl: go for notbing.. And the Iffue of the Que-
ftion, whether the Maglftrate (hould permit fueh
Oppofition or nor, will reft wholly on its civil
Tendencies. If he apprehends the Peace, i^c. of
the Community to be endangered by it, he may
reftrain it under the fame kind, and meafure of Pe-
nalties, which may juftiy be affixed to any other
Adion of the fame Danger. Tbis^^ I apprehend^ is
as excellent a Piece of Cafuiftr'^^ as ever was fettled by
any Chriftian Divine : For here he ei^prefly affertSy that
any Perfon, who is required by a fpecial Command
of God himfelf to oppofe an eftablifhed Religion^ mayy
in a certain Circumflance^ be rcftrained hy the Ma-
giftrate^ under the fame kind and meafure of Penal-
ties, which may jaftly be affixed to any other
Adtron of the fame Danger ; i. e. by ImprifonmenP
and Death ; becaufe thefe are the Reftraints that may
be affixed to fome Actions^ that endanger the Peace of
the Community. If any Perfon may in this Circum-
Jlance be retrained, thm a divine Miffion is in it felf
no S^surity againji this Rejiraint of the Magijirate ;
w, nor any poffible conceived Dignity of the Perfon wh9
had this divine Miffion^ For^ a fpecial Command
of God himfeffy requiring any Perfon publickly to
oppofe an eftabliihed Religion, no farther obliges
the Magiftrate to encourage or permit fuch Oppo-
fition, than the Pretence of it islupported by good
Evidence v'^^zVfih fuch Evidence as the Magiltrate
judges good. For he means^ by an infufficienc Evi-
dence of a divine Miffion^ fuch a Miffion of the Au-^ H7«
thority and Obligation of which the Magiftrate
fees no Proof: Such a Support of a fpecial Command^
as upon Examination is wanting ; i. e. which the
Magijirate, after Examination^ thinks to be wanting.
And when the Magiftrate^ after fuch Examination^ thinks
fuch Support wanting^ the Pretence of the divine Mif
fton^ tho' real, and all Obligation ot Confcience
^ arifing

iiviii P R E P A C fe.

arifing from ir, muft go for nothing ; and the

after ConduSf of the Magifiraie rcfts wholly upon his
Apprehensions of rhe civil Tendency of the
Thing ; and if he apprehends it to endanger the
publick Peace, he may reftrain the Oppofition to the

?. 147. publick Ejiabltfhment by Death. Tea^ the Duty of
his Office would oblige him thus to reftrain it:

h M^' For the Execution of his Office is a Duty he would
owe to God, and the Community, So that tbo*
the Evidence and Support of fuch a divine Mijfton be
in it felf ever Jo goody yet if upon Examination the Ma-
gijirate thinks it wanting^ and fees no Proof of it \ it
follows^ according to our Do£ior^ not only that fuch a
Pretence of a divine Miffion is to go for nothing with
him ; but thai he may and muji rejirain the Perfon pre-
tending to it under the fame kind and meafure of PenaU
tieSy which may be jujily fixed to any other ASlion of the
fame Danger.

Nor do I fee^ upon the Dolor's Principles, how the
Magi/Irate is ever guilty of any Crime j in not difcerning
fuch Evidence of a divine Miff on, as may be even fully
fufficient ; or indeed that he is under any Obligation to
give himfelf any Trouble about it. For, fays he, with

p' 5^. regard to the Eftablifhment of a Religion, 'tis not ne-
celTary to a rational Determination, that he fliould
examine all the Pretenfions and Profeffions of Re-
ligion in the World. If, upon a ferious Exami-
nation, the firft that is offered him appears free
from any fuch internal Objedlion, as may oblige

h S9* him to rejed: it ; — he may fafely reft here. And
if he hath no Scruples, concerning the Truth of
the Religion he liath chofen, he is under no Obli-
gation to feek for them : And if any impertinenc
Difputanr will be offering them to him, he hath

p. 171. realon to refufe to hear him. If indeed any Perfon
comes with a ProfelTion of being {qnt by God to
require the SubmifTion of Men to fome other Reli-
gion,

PREFACE. xlix

ligion, or to fome Alteration in that before re-
ceived, 'tis very reafonable to attend to him, fo
far as to examine the Evidences of his Miflion ;
becaufe God hath certainly Authority to diredl his
bwn Service. But when he hath, with the fam«
Care, examined the Evidences of fuch Miflion,

WHETHER HE APPROVES OR REJECTS iT^j-'he may

reafqnably fit down fatisfied with his Cohclufion.

Andhy confequence\ xf:,'^ after juch car eful Exam
he ma) Ji) down VQ^ifonsib^y fathfed with rejeBingthe
Pretenjiohs of fuch a Perfon,, who frofejjes to be, and
really is fen I by God ; he can he guilt j of no Sin in doing
it^ nor have arj thing fof^ar from the Difpleafure of
God upon account _ of it.

Now jhrs will appear to he exaBly the -Cafe of our
lie (fed Saviour^ and the Je wl(h Magifirates. ' fie had
indifputdhly a fpecial Cummand ofGod^ to preach pub--?- ^4^4
Hckly the Nereffityof abrogating the ceremonial
^aw,andfubftitat]ngtheGofpel-Fa!thandWorfl3ip
in the Place of it] i. e. to oppofe and change the efla-
llijhed Religion of the Jews : And he was, as St, Paul
tells us, the Brightncls of his Father's Glory, and the
exprefs Image of his Ferfon ; and as the Athanafiau
'Creed tells us, to the Truth of which the Vo£ior fub-
fcribedy he was the eternal and incomprehenfible
God, Now tho^ he confejfedl'j had this fpecial Com-
mand of God, to oppofe the eflahUJhed Religion of the
Jews, dnd in the Do^pr^s Judgment was the true and
eternal Cod hmfelf\ yetj as^ he tells us, if upon the Afagi-
Jlrate^s Exqminafion the Sup^ohofjuch 3. [pechl Com-
mand was wanting, i;^i he faw no Probf of it ; why
then this Pretence ^;^^ divine Miffion, and all Obli-
gation of Cofifcien'ce upon the Magiftrate arifwgfrom
it, muft go for nothing. ^ Now the Je'w]{h Magi/lrates
exprefl^ charge him with B\afphem}\ and pronounce him Mat xxy'u
guihy of l^tMh, and accufe folm as .'i Pervertcr of^*^-
the Nation \ i. e. publickly declare fhe{fazv no proof^''^^^^^^''

c cf '

PREFACE.

of his divine MiJJion \ and that the Pretence of it was
not fupported, in their Opinion^ by good Evidence.
What then muft they do with our Saviour^ after this ?
The Pretence of his divine Mifjion^ and all Obligation
X)f Confcience artfingfrom it^ in the DoSor^s Judgment^
going for nothing, the Iffue of the ^ejiion rejled wholly
on the civil iendencies of- our Saviour^ s Oppofition to the
'^flnhUfhment, 7hc Jewifh Magiftrates confidered this
Tendency^ and in their Apprehejifion very bad Confe^
quences muft happen to the Publick from it •, even the
utter Exlir/ ation of the Nation: If we lee this Man
alone, all Men wil] believe on him -, and iht Ro-
mans fhall come, and take away both our Place
and Nation. How muft they a^j in confequence of
fuch an Apprehenfion ? Why^ they might refrain our
Saviour^ under the fame kind and meafure of Pe-
nalties, which they might juftly afBx to any other
Aftion of the fame Danger 5 i. e. they might crucify
him. And not only fo^ but the DoEior affirms thej
cnght to do it : The Duty of their Office would ob-
lige them to reftrain him ; for the Execution of
their Office is a Duty they would owe to God, and
the Community. So that thq* our Lord had a fpe-
cial Command of God to oppofe the eftablifhed Religiotf
of the Jews *, yet as the Magiftrate did not fee that the
Pretence of it was fupported by good Evidence, but did
fee or apprehend that the tolerating Chrijl in fuch Op-
pofition would endanger the Peace of the Community ;
*twas a Duty that be owed to God and the Community^
to cut him offy as a dangerous Diflurber of the Peace
of the Society. This is the Deference the Do5for thinks
due to a divine Mcffengerl 7bis his Vindication of
ihofe, who with wicked and ungodly Hands few
the Lord of Life and Glory ! That very Perfon^ whom
he believed to be the eternal, almighty, and incom-
prehenfible God !

PREFACE. U

Nor can I apprehend^ that^ upon theDo5lofs Scheme^
the Jewifh Magistrates did wrong. He tells uSy indeedy
this was the Rulers Crime ; that chey were not?' i^si
convinced, when fufficient Evidence lay before
them. But I anfwer^ in the DoSfor^s Words: That
as the Rulers had no Scruples about the eftahlijloed Re*
ligion, they were under no Obligation to fearch for
them. Their own Religion they knew to be of divine
appointment ; or was what had, by long Tradition,
obtained in their Church. And this Conviclion,^ 57?
that the efiablijhed Religion was revealed by God,
and that the Worfhip and Polity amongft them was
efpecially approved by him, muft have a Weighc
with the Magiftrate fuperior to any other Con-
fideration. He might therefore think it abfurd, to
debate about a Queflion of this Importance ; he-
caufe the Acteftation of God to the Truth of his?. 5^%
Religion, was to be proved by as good Evidence,
as could in Equity be expedted and required. And
therefore he might fafely reft here, and proceed to
ad according to his Conviftion. And therefore^ as
our Saviour* s Oppofttion to the ejihhlifhed Religion didy
in the Magiftrate* s Judgment^ endanger the civil Peaces
the general^ unlimited Affertion of the Do^or^ mufi
here take place : That when-ever Ads of Oppofition?* ^^ii
to the eftaUifhed Religion endanger the civil Peace,
the Magiftrate may juftly reftrain them under po-
fitive Penalties ; and under the fame kind and mea^-
fure of Penalties, which may juftly be affixed to
any other Adion of the fame Danger ; i. e. under
the Penalty of Death.

But methinks a Chriftian^ a Divine^ >z Man that' ob-
tained great Revalues and Dignity by p- ^effing the Faith
of Chrift^ might have found cut foin: other Method of
Conduct for the Magiftrate towards him. Suppofng
he was not fully fatisfied of the fpecial Commiffion of
Chrift^ yet might he not have a^ed according to Gama-

c 2 lielV

lii PREFACE.

Acis V. sS.IielV Advice ? Refrain from this Man, and let hiiti
aione, . Might he not have argued as that wife Perfon

^^^:59. ^did? If this Counfel, or this Work be of Men, it
will come to naughc : But if it be of God, I cannot
overthrow it, left haply I be found even to fighc
againft God. No: The Do5for zvas a thorow Root

h M9* and Branch Man ; and affirms^ that tho^ there Jhould
be a fpecial Command of God himfelf, requiring
ANY Person {Chrifi himfelf) to oppofe the efta-
. blifhed Religion, /^et if the Magiftrate fazv no Proof
of this fpecial Command^ and apprehended ^ the publick
Peace would be endangered by per knitting his Oppofition
to the Ejtablifhment \ it was a Duty he owed to Godj
and the Community^ to refirain his Saviour under the
fame kind and meafure of Penalties^ which he might
juftly affix to any other Action of the fame Danger : \, e.
'twas as much his Duty to crucify the Son oj God^ as it
was to crucify either of the two Thieves that died with him.
Afionifhing! Might it not be afked : Why, whac
Harm hath he done? Was there any thingin the DoSlrine
of our Saviour that endangered the publick Peace ? The

p' M4« Do^or allows the Chriftian Do5frines to be innocent:
Methinks then the Magifirate might have protected him.
If his DoSirines were innocent^ why fhould he be put to
death for teaching thein ? Why^ becaufe the Magiftrate
apprehended that his Do£frine^ and Oppofition to the
publick Eflablifbment^ would tndanger the Peace of the
Co7nmunity, But if all Oppofition to a publick Efla-
blifhment doth^ as fuch^ endanger the publiik Peace^
Chriil^s Docirine could not be innocent ; and the DoSior
inuji then condemn the DoElrine and Conduct of Chrijl.
If Chrifi^s Dc^rine and Oppofition to the publick Efta-
hlij/jment was Jnnocentj then the mere Oppofition to the
publick E^lablifhmcnt made by Chrift^ zvas not the
Thing that endangered the publick Peace. But was
there not fomething in the Manner of our Lord^s Oppo-
fit^^cn^'ihat might have this dangerous Tendency ? The

Do^or

PREFACE. liii

Do£lor hath not^ as I rememher^ any where affirmed
there was ; and therefore I Jhall prejume to take it for
granted that there was not. If then ChrljVs Do^rine
and Oppofttion to the publick E§iablifhment endangered
the publick Peace ^ Uwas only by Accident ; and not
becaiije of the natural Tendency cf either. 'This Danger
to the publick Peace ^ arofe only frorn the Paffon and •
Fury of our Saviour'* s Enemies \ and therefore why
might not the Magiftrate have determined^ at all Events^
to have protculed the innocent JeJuSy though he appre-
hended his DoSlrine might ^ accidentally endanger the
publick Peace ? Why might he Jtot think that the Pro-'
te£iion of Innocence would as much contribute to the Pre-
fervation of the publick Peace ^ as the facrificing an in^
nocent Perfon^ who really had a publick Miffion^ to the
Ptiry and Malice of his unrelenting Enemies ? Surely
the Teacher of an innocent Do5frine could not deferve
Deaths nor a real Meffenger of God be worthy of Cru-^^
cifixionfor doing what he had in Commiffion from God
to do ; I fay^ he could not be worthy of Death upon any
other Principle than that truly Prieftly one, upon which
the chief Priefs and Pharifees, a'i//:? Caiaphas at the
headofthem^ a£led : It is expedient for us, that one
Man fhould die for the People, and that the whole
Nation perifh not; John xi. 50. A Maxim that
had neither 'Honour nor Juftice to fupport it I I fhould
apprehend^ that it would have been as expedient /t?r
that Magiftrate to have permitted the Minifiry and
Preaching cf our blefjed Lord ; as his Do5irines were
confeffedly innoce?it^ and his Character unblameable :
And infiead of retraining him, and preventing his
preaching Do£irines of everlafting Righteoufnefs and
Truth ^ and inculcating the great Duties of Humility y
Juflice^ univerfal Benevolence^ Charity and Love^
Things that can never endanger, of themf elves ^ the pub-
hck Peace ; to have retrained the Malice and Rage
of his unreajonable Enemies, and to have exerted all

c 3 hi^

liv PREFACE,

hh Power and Authority to prevent the furious and
wicked Effects of them. This would have been a trulj
equitable Part j and prevented that intire Dej}ru5fion^
which God afterwards poured out upon the whole Nation
cf the Jews, to revenge and punijh this execrable
Murder.

My Reader will forgive me this fhort Apology^ in
hchalf of our common Lord and Saviour \ in oppofttion
io a Man^ who hath advanced Principles that do cer^
iainly vindicate the Condu£i of thofe who delivered him
tip to the Shame and Horrors of the Crofs -, and who
knows no Medium between the Magiffrate^s feeing no
Proof of his divine M'lffwn^ and rejiraining him with
the Penalty of Deaths if he apprehended the Peace of
the Community would be dire^ly or indire5ily endangered
loy the Oppofttion he made to the publick E§lablijbment.

But^ what is yet worfe^ f^PP^fi^g foy once the Ma-'
gislrates of the Jews really faw^ and believed the Evi-
dence of our Saviour^ s divine Mtffton ; yet I think the
Do^or'^s Scheme jufiifies the Counfel and Advice of
Caiapbas before mentioned ; and thatj upon his Prin-
ciples^ the Rulers did rights in putting our Saviour to
death. For his AJfertion is general^ without the leajl
Exception : That if Adions done in oppofition to
the Laws of an Eilablifhmenr, appear (to the Ma^
gijtrate) dangerous to the Peace, (^c. of the Com-
munity ; it will be as much a Duty of his Office
toreftrain thefe A(5tions,by pofitive Penalties, as any
other of the fame Tendency. So far, and in fuch
Cafes as the Aftion doth endanger civil Peace, fo
Far 'tis juft and reafonable to reftrain it. And again:
All publick Difputations about Points of Religion,
be the Matter of greater or lesser Impor-
tance in it felf, may juftly and wifely be re-
ftrained by civil Authority, when they produce,
or apparently threaten, ill Effects on the publick
Peace and Welfare, Here *iis affirmed^ univerfally^
2 thai

>iOf

PREFACE. Iv

that all puhlick Difputatiom ahut Religion^ he the
Matter of gVQ2Lttv or leffer Importance, i. e. be it
by order of God^ or not ; be the Things difputed againft^
impious Worfhip^ Idolatry^ and Impojiure ; and b^
the Matter difputed for ^ an immediate Revelation fror^
God^ and ever fo conducive to the prefent Welfare of
Societies^ and the future Salvation of Mankind \ "jet
the Doctor ajferts^ without any Hefitation or Exception
of Perfons ; without ever putting in a Salvo for the
Chrifiian Religion^ or the great Author of it^ that all
fuch puhlick Difputations may juftly and tvifely be re^
fl rained by civil Authority ^ when they produce^ or ap-
parently threaten^ ill Effects on the publick Peace : i. e^
They may be effe6lgally reftrained, either by ba-
nifJnng^ imprifoning^ or defiroying the Perfon or Per-
fons^ who thus carry on thefe Difputations^ according
as the Magiflrate thinks necejfary.

The ^eflion here then is not about Chriji^s Commif^
fion^ whether he had one or not ; or whether the Ma-
gj 'Irate was convinced of it or no ? This makes no Alte-
ration in the Cafe : But whether the Anions of Chriji
did appear to the Jewifh Magistrate dangerous to the
Peace of the Community ? If they did appear thus dan-
gerous \ whether Chrifl had a Commijfion fo to a£l^ or
not^ the Magt^rate was not to regard. It was his.
Duty to reflrain our Saviour from a5ling as he did ;
and that by pofitive Penalties : By fuch PenaltieSy as
werefufficient to refirain him •, and therefore by putting
him to deaths if the Magi^rate apprehended that that
pofitive Penalty was neceffary to refirain him.

*Tis but in a very odd Contrail, that this Reverend
Cafuift places the civil Magi ff rate and our blejfed Sa^
viour. The Magistrate was to take our Saviour to
tafk^ and to examine whether his Condu5i did appa^
rently threaten ill Effe5is on the publick Peace. The
Magistrate did examine ; and it appeared to him^ that
if he let Chrift alone, the Romans would come and

c 4 defti*oy

Ivi PREFACE.

deftroy their City and Nation. What mujl the Ma^
gi§irate do in ibis Cafe ? Do ! Dr. Rogers Jhall an-
fwer for him : Wh)^ it was the Duty of his Office to
reflrain htm, by pojitive Penalties, And thus we have
the chief Priefl of the Jews, and the Pharifees, and
Dr. Rogers, all of opinion : *Tis better that one
Man fhould die, and that the whole Nation perifti
not. The Advice was followed ; our Saviour was
condemned, for the ill Effe£Is which his Condu5i threat-
tied to the publick Peace \ and, in virtue of his Sen-
tence, executed. And it feems the Magiflrate did no
more than his. Duty.

But I am perfuaded our hleffed Saviour was not of
the Doolor^s Sentiments in this Affair ; and very far
from thinking that the Magi§irate had any Right, much
lefs thai ^twas his Duty to crucify him, He plainly
infinuates-^ that Pilate finned in judging him ; hut ex-
prefly affirms, that he who delivered him to Pilate,
was much the greater Sinner of the two. And in the
Parable of the tiufbandmen, who flew the well-beloved
Son and Heir., he fays: The Lord of the Vineyard
would come and deftroy them. Hard Fate thisy
even of thefe tiufbdndrnen ! . It was their Duty to re-
fir ain and defroy this Son ^ becaufe they apprehended
that bis Condu^ threatned the Welfare of the Vineyard ;
and the Lord of the Vineyard thought it very proper to
deflroy them, for their Pains. So that this Reafoning
brings the^ civil Magi§irate into the fad Dilemma of being
dejlro)ed for doing his Duty, as the DoSlor^s Reafoning
doth his Saviour: And all for one plain Reafon, viz. to
fupport an effablifhed Religion ; or, in other Words^
to aggrandize and enrich the Clergy of an E^ablifh-
tnent.

But I do not wonder that this Gentleman fhould ad'
Vance Principles fo little favourable to the Perjon and
Caufe of cur bkffed Saviour, fince he hath an Affertion
that hath but too little Reverence in it^ towards the very

Being

PREFACE. Ivil

Being of a God itfelf. He affirms : That a Pretence p* 149^
of Confcience for oppofing the .Right of the Ma-.i5o.
aiftrate to eftablifli any Religion at all, cannot be
fupported by the Plea of a fpecial Miffion from
God ; becaufe a Doftrine fo abfurd, and deftrudive
to human Society, Reafon cannot admit to be from
God. And he who pretends to come from God
with fuch a MefTagc, brings with him fuch an in-
ternal Difproof of his Miffion, as would over-rule
ANY OUTWARD Proofs of It ; and he may as well
pretend a Revelation, requiring him to tell us^
There is NO GOD. Bj the EJlabliJhment of Reli--
gion be means •, a Diftinclion of that or thofe Forms />. 77.
approved and directed by the Magiftrate, by Pri-
vileges and Provifionsi for Support and Protedion,
afcertained by Law \ the Supporting the Admi-^ 2o.
niftrations of it by Adls of Munificence, and En-
couragements of Honour and Support to fuch as
ofRciace in the Ordinances of it ; and by afExing^ 9^*
negative Vifcouragements to a bare Incompliance with
it, and fofiti'Ve Penalties to fuch Oppofition to it,^9^J^^•
as the Magiftrate apprehends may have ill EfFedts
on the publick Peace. So that the Do£lor affirms :
^' That *tis an abfurd Do£irine^ and dejiru^ive to
'' human Society^ for which there can be no Pretence
of Confcience^ fupported by the Plea of a fpecial Mif*
fton from God, to oppofe the Right of the Magiflrate
to annex worldly Privileges and Provifions to that Form
or thofe Forms of Religion which he approves and
" dire5is ; to oppofe his Right to fupport it by A^s of
'' Munificence^ and Encouragements of Honour to the
" Clergy of it \ and to affix negative Difcouragements
and pofttive Penalties to a bare Incompliance with ity
or a£live Oppofition to it^ Tea^ he affirms : '' That
he who comes from God with this Mejfage, That the
Magiftrate ought not to enrich his Clergy^ nor affix
negative or pofttive Penalties to the Religion he ap-

4fi

proves^

Iviii PREFACE.

^^ proveSj brings with him fuch an internal Difproof
«' of his Miffton, as would over-rule any outward
•^ Proofs of ic :^* i. e. prove him an Impojlor and
Cheats tho* he performed as many and as wonderful
Miracles as our bleffed Saviour did, in Vindication of
his Miffion, And once more, he affirms \ *' That he
*' who pretends to come from God with this Meffage^
That the Magistrate ought not to afcertain by Law
worldly Emoluments, Honours, Privileges, and
Riches to the Profefpton and Clergy of that Religion
which he approves, and to punifh by negative Penal-
^^ ties the bare Incompliance with it, and by pofttive
^^ Penalties the a^ive Oppojition to it, may as well
*' pretend a Revelation, requiring him to tell us there
*.' is no God," If this be true, the very Being of a
God ft an ds upon no beiter^tt Foundation of Certainty than
the Ma^iff rate's Right to enrich his Clergy, and guard
his Religion by Laws of Persecution -, and the Man that
oppofes the Magi^rate'*s Right to do thus, brings fuch
Evidence to dif prove his divine Miffion, as all the Mi^
racks in the IVorld could never be able to countervail ;
and argues himfelf as truly and effectually to be an Im-
foftor, as tho^ he pretended a Revelation, requiring
him to tell us. There is no God. The Man is long
Jince dead, that made this bold Affertion ; and I leave
him to account for it, to his proper Judge, But far-
ther,

2. The Do^or^s Scheme throws a Reproach on the Con-
Au3 of the holy Apoftles, of our bleffed Saviour, and
juftifies the Heathen MagisJrates in their Endeavours
to reflrain them by civil Penalties. The Apoftles do
not appear to have had that high Notion of the Ma-
giifrate^s Power^ which the Do£lor had. They op-
pofed the civil Magi^rate to his Face ; and abfolutely
refufed Obedience to his Commands, not to preach any
more in the Name ofChrift. They did publickly cen-
fure the Equity and Expediency of the eftablilhed

Religion

PREFACE. lix

Religion of Jews and Gentiles, which the TioElor
calls Mutiny and Sedition; and were therefore^ on
his Principles^ guilty of both. . The Jewifh Ceremonies
they called weak and beggarly, and the e^ahlifhed
Religion of the Gentiles Idolatry and Vanity. T'hej
fublickly difputed about Points of Religion of the
greateft Importance, and openly endeavoured the
Subvcrfion of that prof ejjed both by Jews and Gentiles.
Tea^ what is more^ the publick ProfefTion and
Worfhip of the Apofiles contained Bafphemies againft
the God which the Magiftrates of the Heathens
worfhiped ; which they reproached as Idols, and as
Things which by Nature are no Gods: So far from
ity that they expre/ly call them Devils, and not Gods.
And here the Do^or apprehends^ that, the Magiifrate
might reafonably apprehend himfelf obliged in Con-
fcience, and from that Concern which he owes to
the Honour of his God, to rcftrain them.

^Tis true^ and the Do^or allows it^ that the Apofiles
had a fpecial Obligation of Confciencc to oppofe the^* ^'>^^
eftablilhed Religions of the World; as they had^^^"
a Commiflion to reach or difciple all Nations into
the Chri§iian Faith : And he farther thinks, that as
the Chriflian Do5frines were of the innocent Cha-/'- iJ4*
rafter, the Magiftrate might reafonably permit
them to be preached ; and that they mighty on that
Account, be faid to have a Right to fuch Permif-
fion. How foftly he treads I How gently he touches
the Point I Innocent Doftrines ! They may be
faid to have a Right ! But even as tho* this were
too much, he in the next Sentence abfolutely recalls it^
and faith : This Right, viz. which theje innocent
Doftrines of Chriftianity had to the Permiffion of being
preached, muft in the Nature of the Thing be fub-
mitted to the Judgment of the Magiftrate ; and
if in the Refult of his Judgment he apprehends
cither thefe Doftrines, or their Conduft in publifh-

ing

Ix PREFACE.

ing theni, to be dangerous to the civil Peace or
Interefts of the Community, he will be obliged to
a6l according to fuch Perfuafion. Now a Right
which another Perfon may be obliged to controuly is no
Right. Let the Do5irines of Chrifl bs as innocent as
they willy they had no Right ofPerfniffion to be preachedy
if the Heathen Magifirate, under the Advice of his.
Pagan Priejts, fbould happen to think them dangerous ;
nor the Jpoftles any Right to preach them^ if the fame
Magiftrate fhould apprehend their Conduoi in publifhing
them dangerous to the civil Peace^ and was therefore
obl'ged to controul them. By confequence^ the Ma-
gtjtrate was not only in the right, but even obliged to
reflrain the Apoftles^ by all pojitive Penalties neceffarj
to this End, from propagating their 'Doblrine, after he^
bad once judged it dangerous- to the civil Peace: And
ly confequ^nce the Miff on of the Apo files from God gave
them no Right, nor obliged them in confcience to publifh
the Do^irincs of Chrijl, till they had firfi afked the civil
' Magijlrate^s Advice and Leave about them ; becaufe^
.141. what is one Man's Right, another Man's Con-
fcience cannot oblige him, upon ANY JUST Grounds,
TO OPPOSE. "I he Right of the Magiftrate to oppojc
the Do^rines of Chriji, upon his Apprehenfion that they
contained Blajphemies againfi the Gods he worfhipedy
and endangered the publick Peace, the Apojlles Con*
fcience could not oblige them, upon any jujt Grounds ta
opp&fe. I am afraid this will carry us one Step farther ;
and prove, really, . that the Apojlles had no Commiffwn
from God r For, if they had God^s Commiffwn to preach
the Doolrines of Chrifl, they had certainly a Right to
preach them ; and if they had a Right to preach them,
the Magifirate could have no Right to oppoje the preach-
ing of them, out of any Apprehenfion that they might
be dangerous to the civil Peace \ becaufe what is one
Man's Right, another Man's Confcience cannot ob-^
iigehim, upon any juft Grounds, toopppfe. And

therc^

PREFACE. Ixi

therefore if the Magijirate had, upon awjApprehenfionSy
a R'K^ht, and was obliged to reftrain the Apoftles and
their Do^rines, the Apoflles could have no CommiJJion
from God, hecaufe no Right to preach them, hut what
was fuhje£l to the Reflraint of the Magijirate y i. e. in
reality, no Right at all. Who will help us out of this
fad Dilemma ?

3. The primitive Chrifiians, after the Apoflles, had
much lefs to fay for themfelves, who really had, generally
fpeaking.no fpecial ComtY)\triot\,or Obligation from Godj
to publifb the Do^rines ofChriJl. And yet we find ibe?n
publickly prof effing the Chriftian Religion, in oppofition to
imperial Edi5fs ^ reproaching the ejiablifhed Gods and Re-
ligions of the Gentiles ; apologizing for themfelves, and
claiming the Right of Toleration and Liberty, in oppo-
fition to the Laws againft them ; uniting themfelves
into Congregations ; labouring by puhlick Preaching and
Writings even when their AJfemblies were condemned^
to withdraw Mens Submiffton from the efiablifhed Re-
ligion, and chearfully fuffering Martyrdom on thefe
Accounts. Might not the Magijirate have argued in
the Do^or^s Words? By any publick A6ts to en-^ia5.
deavour the Subverfion of the Eftablilhrnenc ; to
ftir up Parties and Faftions againft it ; to labour,
by publick Preaching and Writing, to withdraw
Mens SubmiiTion from it, and gather Congrega-
tions in oppofition to it, are Actions which no
general Rule of Confcience can oblige Men to ;
and therefore the unlimited Liberty you take in
them, can't be claimed as a Liberty due to Con-
fcience : Much lefs can fuch Obligation be nl^adedf^^ 1,(5,
to oppofe the R^ghc of the Legiflature, to efta-
blifh the prefent Religion. The Religion I have^^ i^g^
eftablifhed, I am fully convinced of the Truth of;
and therefore 'tis certainly my Duty to adhere iop. ^j,
it : And the Reafons which have determined my y,, .^^
Choice, are the Acceptablenefs of my Worfhip to

the

Ixli PREFACE.

the Gods, and the Tendency of it to promote the
Peace of m) Empire. To which I may add the
Confiftency, or Co-incidence of this Frame of r^-
ligtous Pohty, with that of the civil Conftitution.
"The Roman Empire was founded^ and carried on and
raifed to its Height^ and the Majeffy of it can only be
maintained by the effablijjhed Religion ; and therefore
your reproaching the Gods of the Empire^ and your
adtive pofitive Oppofition to the Religion of it, is
Mutiny and Sedition. / am therefore determined to
ingage, // / can^ your a^ive Compliance with it.

97- For this Purpofe I have provided Priejts for your
Information and Inftruftion : And fince Attention
to fuch Applications is an Aftion in every one's
Power, and againft which no Pretence of Reafbn,
or Scruples of Confcience can be pleaded ; I require
of you fuch Attention, under pofitive Penalties.
And if by this Means 1 cannot engage you to an aciive^
Compliance with my Religion^ 1 am determined to re-
fufe you any Toleration ; fince^ I apprehend, your
Religion is fubverfive of the EJlaUifhment^ and highly
dangerous to the Peace of the Empire. And what
is more^ your Religion contains Blafphemies againft
the Gods I worfhip ; and by reproaching them as no
Godsj you propagate the Principles of Irreligion and
Atheifm, and thus deprive the Nations under my
Empire ^/ thofe Advantages of Religion, for which
human Wifdom can devife no Equivalent: And
therefore^ whatever Plea of Confcience you may urge
for this your impious Oppofition to my Gods and Reli*

154. gion^ I fee no Foundation for tt\ and therefore can be
no farther obliged to regard it, than the Grounds
of it appear to me. Had the primitive Chrijlians
been in the Doolor^s SchejnCy could they have anfwered
this Reajoning ? Muft they not have deferved all thofe
pofitive Penalties^ which the imperial Edicts Jubje^ed
them tOy if this Do^rine bad been true ?

PREFACE.

The Condii^f therefore of the primitive Chriftians
was 9 upon this Scheme of the Do^for^s^ a Crime againji
the State ; and all their Zeal for the Caufe of God^
and the Redeemer^ fo far from being any Proof of an
heroick Faith and commendable Refolution^ that it was
an Injlance rather of Weaknefs and Folly. The
Do 51 07^ s Principles would have very dextroufly helped
them out of all thefe Dijficulties \ and had they under-*
flood his Do^frine of the Rights of the civil Magiftrate^
and been acquainted with his Prudentials of Condu£fy
they might have faved themfelves the Trouble of all the
Sufferings they endured. He would have told them:
There is no Law of the Gofpel which requires you^ i jy.
in your Station publickly to oppofe thofe Prefcrip-
tions of Authority, which, in your private Judg-
ment, appear to yl^u contrary to any L,aw of the
Gofpel ; nor to endeavour to render others, who
approve them, diffatisfied with them. You may
fafely let this alone, without any Apprehenfion
of Sin ; for where there is no Law^ there is no Tranf
greffwn. And whatever you may omit without
Sin, you can't be obliged in Confcience to do.
And I think the Rule of the Apoftle, Haft thou
Faith^ have it to thy [elf \ may juftly be extended
to this Cafe. You may reafonably fatisfy your^ ^39*
felves with exercifing your own Religion : ButP* ^34*
what is all this to fetting up for publick Teachers,
and gathering Congregations, in oppofition to all
Authority, civil and ecclefiaftical ? All Reli-f* ^^^*
gions, as eftabliflied, falfe as well as true, I ac-
knowledge, and can perceive no Abfurdity or In-
convenience in it, to be equally intitled to publick
Favour, and to Protection from publick Oppo-
fition. If the Religion eftablifhed be falfe, it muft^ i<^5.
always continue fo, till they who have Authority
to repeal the Law, are convinced that fuch Re-
ligion is falfe, and ought not to be eftablifhed.

The

Ixiv PREFACE.

^he Confeq^uence of all which is : T^hai if the primi^
live Chrijtians endeavoured^ a£lually to oppofe^ and
alter the eftablifhed Religion^ till the Magijlrate was
convinced Uwas falfe 5 to fet up Congregations in op-
pofttion to it, and to write and preach againfl it j ihej
were a Set of mutinous^ feditious Rebels^ that were
juflly punijhed for their Infolence. "Their Death was
no more Martyrdom, than the Death of other Male-^
fa5iors ; and the Faith and Patience of the Saints of
God, are no longer worthy our Wonder or Imitation.
Can^i the Eflablijhment of Religion le defended, with-
out fuch Conceffions ?

4. As to the Affair of the Reformation, the Do5ior
gives it up, as irregular and unjuftifi able. He tells us :

if. 176. Tha^ Examples are a very imperfeft Proof of
Right or Duty : That whethaic fome of the Re-
formers did preach or write againfl: efl:abli(hed
Popery, in contradi(5lion to the Commands of civil
Authority or no, doth nor affedt our Reformation :

f. 177. And that the Caufe of the Reformation doth not
depend on the Regularity or Irregularity of its
Introdudlion j becaufe Truth, from the worft Man
that ever was, ought to be affented to : And that

h 17s. the admitting that fome of the Reformers Anions can-
riot be jufliified upon his Principles, yet it will not
oblige him to recede from them. He is pleafed

p, 179. indeed to compliment them coldly, by profefling him-
felf to efl:eem them very honeft, and fome of them
very great Men; hut he will not undertake for
every particular Aftion of all of them : f. e. for
none of thoje A5iions which they did in oppofition to the
civil Magijlrate. He thinks indeed that they were
generally defenfible, upon his Principles ; becaufe
they were fometimes required, by Authority, to
give a publick Account of their Faith : In which
Cafe 'twas their Duty to do it. Sometimes Princes
might approve their Doftrine, and allow them to

preach

I So.

PREFACE. I^v

preach and write. They might have an immc-
diatcCall from God, or be perfuaded they had ;
which Perfuafion would vindicate them as honelt
Men, the* we are not concerned co prove them
infallible, in the Application of that Rule which
they aded by. But, neverthelefs, this gave them?'
no Right to a Permifllon from the Magiftrace fo
to adt ; who, if he was perfuaded that the civil
Duties of his Office required him to reftrain them,
was obliQ;ed in Confcience to reftrain them.

I am perfuaded that no Man, who values the Pro^
tejlant Religion and Liberties^ which we owe to the
Piety and Learnings the Zeal and Courage, the Suffer^
ings and Death of thofe illujlrious Confeffors and Mar-
tyrs, who by innumerable Methods of Cruelty were de-
flroyed by thofe Satanical Butchers of the Church of
Rome, can read this Account without Detefiation and
Abhorrence. Unhappy Men, I bad almo/i faid, to be
thus murdered by Papifts, for your Adherence to the
truths of God ! and to be raifed up again, by this Re--
verend Proteftant Divine, only that your Chara5lers
may be flabVd and torn, and you may appear to the
World only as feditious Rebels, or 7nad Enthufiajts f
For this is all the Choice he leaves you. If you ever
pubUfJjed your Principles by Preaching or Writing,
without being required by Authority to give a pub-
lick Account of your Faith, or without the Al-
lowance of your Princes, you did what you had no
Right to; Uwas Mutiny and Sedition ; and you fhould
have fiafd till the Popes and Cardinals, the Monks
and Friars, and the Princes of the Earth in League
'Ji-ith them, had given you Permiffion to preach and
write. Popery ou^t to have continued the ejlahllfhed
Religion, till the Magijlraie fhould think fit to re^
peal the haws made in its Favour.

Bir.

Jxvl JP RE F A C E.

But pqfibly, you were perfuaded chat you had fotnc
.Call from Gpd, to protejl againft the Errors of Po-
pery, and endeavour a Reformation. Weak Menl
p. 141: Br. Rogers can eafily imagine^ that feme Prin-
ciples of Morality and Religion may be fo miftaken,
that you might apprehend your felves obliged thus
?• 179- to oppofe the eftablifhed Religion: But he will
not undertake to juftify you^ in every 'particular
Action ; in your publick Preachings Difputing^ Wri-
tings and gathering Congregations^ in oppofition to
jeffablijhed Popery. Jf you were perfuaded you had
\^ Call from Gody this Perfuafion would oblige you
in Confcience to a6t according to it, and vindicate
your Charader as honeft Men. But was not this
p. 146. 7nere Perfuafion ? And could Popifh Rulers have
reafon to confider you in any other View, than as
deluded Enthufiafts, or fadlious and feciitious De-
ceivers of the People? And if they were fully
perfuaded that the civil Duties of their Office re-
quired them to reftrain you, they were as much
obliged in Confcience to ad: according to their Per-
fuafion, as you were to ad according to yours.

So that all the fir fl Reformer s^ without exception^,
who preached.^ or wrote ^ or gathered Congregations
without the heave of the civil Magijlrate^ are hereby
condemned as Rebels or Enthufiajts ; and the Popifh
Magiftrate jujlifed, in all his Attempts to refirain and
punifh them. If it fhould be alleged^ in favour of the
firft Reformers^j that they publifhed Books againfl e!ia-
P 180. IViflnd Popery^ to convince the Magiftrate, as well
/>. 167. asothers^ of his Errors j the Do^.or replies : I\cither
Reafon nor Confcience can oblige the Magiftrate
tp go fanher in general Provifions to fecure him-
feif againft Error, than to have always by him,
either a publick Senate, or a feled Council of the
moft diftinguiflied Abilities, in hi^ Dominions, and

PREFACE. ixlvil

a regular Door by which the Advice of any pri-
vate ^Subjedt may approach him i and^ that what-
ever Error efcapes thro' thefe Provifions, muft be
left to the Corredion of God, in whofe Hands are
the Hearts of Princes. If^ in eftablifhing the Re-f- ^^^^
]igion of Popery^ tbd* erroneous, he afts upon the
beft Informations he can take, tho* he happens to
be miftaken in the Refulc ; "jet the BoSior prefumesp. 169.
he may reafonably reft in his Convidion, dHd pro•^ i7o.
ceed to aft according toit^ And if there be no
Reafons for him to inquire any farther, there can
be none to permit publick Di:fputes for l^is faJrther
Information. ' . . fuu .

Had the BoSlor lived in the Age of the Reformers,
he would have aflked thofe Gentlemen, who were?* i?^"
fo very importunate to inform the Magiftrate of
his Error, what End they propofed in it ? Why^
to convince him that Popery was falfe 5 that the
Eftablifhment of it was unjuft, and ought to be
revoked. But the Do£ior would have anfwered:
Hold a little ! The Magijlrate hath not yet read all
the Books that treat this Argument, nor heard
half the People who have fomething to fay upon
it, and have as good a Right to be heard as you.
You will not, I hope, require him to depart from
his prefent Perfuafions, till he is convinced of his
Miftake in them : And he cannot, upon your Prin-
ciples, have a rational Convidlion, and Reft in his
Conclufion, till he hath heard, and carefully eka-
mined, not only all that hath been faid, or <^^h be
faid at prefent ; but he muft wait to fee whether
fome-body or other will not come forth with fome
new Informations of his Reafon ; to whom he nVuft
always be at Jeifurc to attend, and never be fatisfied
with his Conclufion, tiU all th^ World is weary of
dilputing with him.^ .^iuiuuii u^^u;^^../T;::, r

d 2 But

Ixviii PREFACE.

>. 174- But perhaps this Scheme of our Reformers was
not intended fo much for the Service of the Ma-
giftrate, as the People. They might have Scru-
ples and Doubts, and want Information ; and *tis
reafonable the Magiftrate fhould permit fuch a Li-
berty of Inquiry vas is neceflary to their Satisfaftion;
and permit others, i^y Writings Preachings Sec. to
inform them. But this _ Regard to other Mens Scru-
ples^ this Chrijlian and charitable Deftre to fatisfy and
inform them^ the Do^or ahfoluteh condemns. For^
fays he: Very reafonable, no doubt! But I can
imagine no Reason, why he fhould permit any
ONE, to make it his Bufmefs to fill the Minds of
his People with as many Doubts and Scruples as
he can. I know no Obligation any Man, who is
rationally fatisfied already, hath to feek Doubts
and Scruples •, neither can I perceive that they are
Things very defireable, either to the Magiltrate
or People. Se^ Reader^ the Chrijfiianity and Prote-
ftantifm.of this DoSirine ! The Do5lon '^ cannot ima^
^' gine any Reafon^ zvhy the Magiftrate fhould permit
^' any one to make.it Ms Bufinefe to fill the Minds of
^' his People z^ith as 7nany Doubts and Scruples as he
'^ canJ*^ He can imagine -NO Reason why the Ma-
giftrate fhould perfnit Jefus^ or Paul ^ oY any of the
Jpofiles, to make it their Bufinefs '' to fill the Minds
^\of his People with as many Scruples as they can^^^
~ 0 (^iout oral Traditions^ • ceremonial Righteoufnefs ; the
B^orfhip of Jvtphtr^ Ba-cchus, Venus, and the like
Deities. He can imagine no Reas-on, why the Ma^
giftrate fhould pr mi t Wickliff, Luther, Calvin, and
our other illuftrious Reformers^ both at home and abroad^
^ho fealed many of them. their Teftimony to the Truth
and Purity }of the Gofpel with their Bloody " to fill the
" Minds of his Peoplewith as 7nany Doubts and Scru^
«« fles as they could^^ about the Papal Tyranny^ Tran-
fubjlantiation^ the idolatrous Worfhip of the Saints and

Angels^

P R E F A C E. Ixlx

Angels^ and others the Errors and Lnptirities of the
Church of Rome. The'j were a Set of bufy^ imper-
tinent Fellows ; and he can't perceive thefe Doubts
and Scruples were Things very defireable to the
Magiftrace or People. Tea, he knows " no Obli-
" galion any Man^ who is rationally fatisfied aU'p- ^<58,
*^' ready ;'* who hath taken the befi Informations he
could^ tho\he happens to be miitaken in the Refulr,
^' has to feek Doubts and Scruples^ Tloe Heathens
were thus rationally fatisfied in their Idolatry: The
Pa pi ft s were thus fatisfied in fheir Superfi;itions : The
Mahomitants are thus fatisfied in their hnpojlure :
The Japanefe are thus fatisfied in their Worfhip of the
Devil They all a5l upon the beft Informations they
can take. The Magifirates, who enjoin thefe Worjhips^
who e^ablifJo thefe Religions, have by them their feled:
Councils to direSi them. The People have long Tra-
dition^ and the Inftru£iions of their Priefts^ to confirm
them in the Truth of them ; and the Doolor knows no
Obligation they are under, to feek Doubts and
Scruples. But what admirable Concern for Truth and
Righteoufnefs, for the Intereft and Succefs of Chriftia^
nity, doth this DoSlrine exprefs ! How unworthy a
Reprefentation of the Conduct of our firft Reformers !
Their Preachings &c. without the Leave of the Ma^
giftrate, he thinks Sedition. Their Pretences to a"
Ipecial Call he cenfures as Enthufiafm ; and their
endeavouring to fill the Minds of the People with
Doubts and Scruples, he can imagine no Reafon for ;
i. (?. Vfj a bufy Impertinence. Ttous^ tho* a Member ^
of the Proteftant Church, his D,offrine is a Reproach
vpon ahnoft all the Reformers : And in order to vin-
dicate the Eflablifhment of all poffible Religions, he cen-
fures and condemns- the P radices of all thofe great and
good Men, to whom we owe the IntroduoJion of the
Reformed,

d 3 5. 'Tis

Ixx PREFACE.

5. 'Tis needlefs to add any Thing farther^ with rt^
fpe£l to our own Societies^ for Propagation of the Gofpek

. I So. For^ with refpeft to all Heathen and Mahometan
Magiflrates, if they are fully perfuaded that they
have Truth already, they have no Occafion for
the Difputations and Preachings of our MiJJionarieSy

, 72. to inform them farther. The Magiftrate, in all
Countries^ hatha Right to efliablifh what Religion
icj. he approves: The whole Queftion of a Toleration
is inrirely in the Magiftrace's Judgment ; and his
Apprehenfion of Danger will juftify him, in re-
flraining any Seft whatfoever. By confequencej
Pagan and Mahometan Magiflrates^ who are fully
perfuaded that they have Truth already^ have no oc-
cafion for the Information of our Mijfionaries : And if
the whole Affair of a Toleration he in their Judgment ^
and their own Subjects have no Right to raife Scruples
about the eflablifhed Religion \ much lefs can the tub-
jecfs of another Prince have any Right to a Toleration
without the Magiftrate^ s Leave^ nor to f pre ad Scruples
and Doubts amongft their People about Religion. If

► x^7» there be any Error in their eftablifhed Religions,
it mud be left to the Correftion of God, in whofe.
Hands the Hearts of Princes are ; and if he doth not
direct them^ by the Illumination of his Spirit, or
by a fpecjal Miffion of other Perfons declare his
Will to them, the Matter muft reft where it doth,
jind therefore for other Princes to ere5f Societies for
propagating their own Religion ; for Chriftian Princes^
to fend Miff onaries to convert Pagan ^;7^ Mahometan
Nations^ without the previous Leave of the Magift rates
of thofe Countries^ is not only a Breach of the Laiv of
Nations^ and an Invafion of the Rights of other Princes ^
hut even an Invafion of the Prerogative of the great
God^ and an Attempt to take his Work out of his own
Hands : For if the Errors of Religion muft be left to
;he Correftipn of God^ arid to the Illuminations of

his

PREFACE. Ixxi

his Spirit, and fpecial Miflions to declare his Will ;

the Attempts of Mijfionaries from Men^ unilluminated
and unfent by God^ to correal thofe Errors^ mujl be
Infolence and Impiety.

7he Bo5lor doth indeed conceive, that every Chri-p. ijj.
ftian Church hath Authority to fend its own Mem-
bers on fuch fpecial Miflions ; and that they who
are employed in this Office under fuch Miflions,
may very jufl:ly think themfelves obliged in Con-
fcience to fulfil them ; And that^ on thefe Prin-
ciples, our Society for Propagation, i^c. is jufli-
ficd, in fending Mifllonaries to preach the Gofpel
to the Indians. But may 1 be allowed to aJJc^ Whence
every Chrijlian Church hath this Authority to fend
Mijionaries into the Dominions of other Princes ? The
DoSlor fuppofes they have it not from the Civil Ma-
gijlrate ; and that *tis of prudential Conflderation,
'whether he /hall give the Miffionaries leave to preach
afkr they are fent: And that till they can fatisfy^i54.
him thac they are fent by Perfons,- who really
have an Authority derived from God to fend them
on this Service, the Plea of their Miflion can fig-
nify nothing to \\\v[\\ and that tho* xht Chriftiarf^
Dodlrines are very innocent Things^ yet if the Md^
gijlrate apprehends thefe confeflTedly innocent Do«-
drines^/ Chrijiianity to be dangerous to the civil
Peace or Interefl:s of the Community, he will be
obliged to ad according to fuch Perfuafion V n^'ev
to reftrain the Miffionaries from Preachings and to''
funifh them if they do. By confequence^ if the Magi-
Jirate is obliged, on fuch an Apprehenfwn^ to refrain
and puniffj the Miffionaries of the Church of England'*
for preaching Chrijtiamty, the Church of England caH^-
have no Right to fend fuch Miffionaries ; becauje they
can*t have a Right to order that to be done^ which the
Magijirate hath a Right to prohibit and punifh the
Mng of. Jfthe perfonal Apprehcnfion-^ and the ScJed:

d 4 Council

Ixxli PREFACE.

Council of the Japanefe Emperor ^ do not dire5i him to
tolerate tbep Chrijlian Miffionaries^ hut to perfecute
and put them to deaths as Difturbers of the civil
Peace, for preaching thefe innocent Doftrines of
Chrijty the Emperor is chiiged to extirpate them, ^'o
that wheiker God himfeif and the Right Reverend
^Prehues, who carry on the pious Work of the
.Foreign Million, Jhall have Leave lo order the
*T:r caching of the Gofpel of Salvatio^i^ depends in Japan
yn the Refolution of the Efnperor^ and his Council ; and
at Ccnftaniinople on the Determination of the Grand
Seignior^ and his Divan, So that before our Mijfio-
naries can be juflified in goings the Permijfion of the
civil Magiflrates of ihofe Places where they are to be
Jentj Jh-ould be ajked; And if the'j will not give Leave^
the Matter mujt be left to the Corredion of God.

Upon the whole ; the Confequences of the T)o£lor^s
Principles are thefe : That the Introduction of Chri-
fiianity into the PVorld was ttnjuflifiable : That our
Saviour^ his Apojtles^ the primitive Confeffors and
Marty s^ who preached and taught^ and gathered Con-
gregations^ in oppofition to the civil Magi/irate, were
jujily refrained and punijhed: That the Reformation^
which was brought about by the fame Methods ^ was
indefenjible : That our frji Reformers were a Set of
enthufiafical PerfonSj or feditious and impertinent Bufy-
Bodies ; and that the Bifijops and Clergy of the Church
of England, that have at Heart the Propagation of
the Religion of their Lord and Saviour^ by Mijfions
into Foreign Parts^ take on them a very idle and need-
lefs Office ^^ ih^tcanbe defended by no general Obligations
0^ Confcpnce^/f^JnAword^ ^' ^hat neither Humanity y
•^ nor Charity for the Souls of Men ^ a Regard to Truths
'^\ a t)rfir^ to oppofe Corruption and Error ^ and to
^^f^prevent, the Progrefs of Superfiition and Bigotry^
*^ can j^fify^ny, Mem in preaching and publifhing
^^ Chrijlianity^ without the- Mc^gifirale^s Leave^ and

*' con-

PREFACE. IxxiU

^^ contray^ io his Prohihtiion ; hecaufe all Religion^ as
" effabltjhd^ fatje as mfU as true, ismthe Jame Foot^
<' equally intitied U) puhlick Favour, and to Prote5fion
*< from publick Oppofttion : 7hat if a falfe Religion
<' happens to he effablifhed^ it muft always continue
" jo, till they who havt Authority io repeal the Laws
*' which fupport it, are convinced that fuch Religion is
falfe, and ought not to he elfablifhed ; and that what^
ever Errors in an ertahUfhed Religion efcape the Pro^
vifions of a Prince, and his puUick Senate, or fele^
*' Council, mufi be left to the Corre^ion of God, in
*' whofe Hmids are tl:>e Hearts of Princes ^

Whether E§fahlifh7nents of Religion may not be defended
without fuch Alloivances as thefe, I will not take on me
to determine. If they can't ; is there an honeft Man^
a good Chrifiian, or d found Proteffant, that can be
in love with them? Me thinks ^tis hard, that the
Murder of the Saviour of the World, by the Priefis and
Rulers of the J^vvs^ Jhould be defended by the Men that
wear his Na7ne, and have groztm rich and wealthy by
the Profeffion of his Religion. ^Tis hard that the
Jpofiles of the Son of God, who only taught the inno-
cent Doctrines of the Gofpel, fhould deferve to be per-
fecuted and defiroyed,7nerely hecaufe they chofe to
obey God rather ihan Man, and becaufe the Ma^-
giftrate refufed to give them a Licence publickly to
preach, and make Converts to^ruth and Pietyr What
muft have become of the Dotlrines of Salvation, if the
Apofiles had not preached them without the Magifirate^s
Leave ? "They had a Call from God : 7his is confejjed.
But they had a Prohibition from the Magi ff rate : This
cannot be denied. Which mitfi they' obey ? God they
ought not, becaufe the- Magiffrat'e was obliged to restrain
them:, and that out of Principles of civil Policy, and
the vvcy ^JMclates ^f Religion -, becaufe they blaf-
pheoied the very Gods he worfhiped, and taught
Dc^inms . which he^ -ap'^rehended prejudicial to the

publick

Jxxiv PREFACE.

pullick Welfare. Neither could they obey the Ma-
gi^rate^ hecaufe they had a Call from God. Sad Di-
lemma ! tq he thus reduced to a Necejftty of being pu-
nifhed of God for obeying the Magistrate^ or being de-
fir oyed by the Magistrate for obeying God ! How hard
the Fate of our frimitive Confejfors and Martyrs !
*Ihey reproached the eftablijhed Religion of the Gen-
tiles : fhey preached publickly, and wrote againji the
Superstitions of the Countries where they livedo and
gathered Congregations^ in oppofttion to publick Autho-
rity. But this the Dooior tells us is Mutiny and Se-
dition. But can Suffering for Mutiny and Sedition
mc^ke Men Martyrs ? I am loth^ methinks^ thus to Jlrip
them of the Glory ^ and rob them of the Crown of Mar-
tyrdom. Ncr can I eafily allow^ that the Fires of
Soiithfield, that confumed our Cranmers, Ridleys,
Philpots, and other illustrious Heroes of the Englifh
Nation^ were juHly kindled for their DeSiruiJion, and
as the jufl Punijhment of Enthuftafm^ or of a criminal
Oppofttion to the Civil Magistrate.

No: As a Christian^ I freely condemn their Per-
fecutorSy as tyrants and Murderers, ^hey had a
Right to publifh the Do5frines of Salvation^ and no Pre-
tences of a Regard to civil Peace could juftify or excufe
their cruel Dejtroyers, Shall the Caufe of God be made
to depend on the Pie a fur e of Princes ^ and Sele£i Coun-
cils ? Hath the higheft mortal Man Authority to flop
the Progrefs of the Religion of the Son of God? Muji
diabolical Superstitions^ and the moji abominable Ido-
., latries^ continue to deStroy the Souls of Men,, becaufe
a Worm^ a mortal Man^ an earthly Prince ^ will have
it fo ? Aluji Men be damned to eternal Slavery^ be-
caufe Uis the Pleafure of their tyrants ? Muft thofe
for whom Chrijl died perifh under Vice and Ignorance ^
becauje tkeir Governors are Enemies to Doubts and
Scruples ? Thefe are Principles 1 leave to you^ O ye
Rogers^s, Berry man's, and others ofths lih Stamp',

{9.

PREFACE. Ixxv

to propagate and jnflify^ in Defence of your ^itles^
Emoluments^ and Preferments. To dxff^tnt from E§fa*
llijhments^ if they canU be fi^ported without thefe pre^
cious Sacrifices^ I Jhall ever account my Glory ; nor
will, 1 hope^ the largejl Emoluments that earthly
Power can offer me^ ever tempt me tO- accept ihem^
upon a Scheme that mufl exclude Chriflianity out of the
far greatefi Part of the Worlds and for ever fettle Im-
pofiure^ Superftition^ and the Worfloip of 'Devils^ a^
mongft Mankind^ till the Magiflrate fljall be convinced
by a Miracle that he ought to repeal fuch an EJlaUifh-
ment.

VI. I would farther olferve^ that this Scheme of the
Do^or^s is contrary to the plaineft DireElions of the
Chriftian Revelation^ though he would have his Readers
think that Chri/iianity it /elf countenances it}, as it nop. 133,
where requires its Difciples to correft the Miflakes
of their Brethren, and as no Precept of our ReJi-/>. {54^
gion obliges private Chriftians to fet up for pub-
lick Teachers, and gather Congregations, in op-
pofition to all Authority, civil and ecclefiaftical ;
but that 'tis their Duty to have their Perfuafion to;^. 137.
themfelves, before God. Chriflianity un que ft ion ably
obliges none^ but^ on the contrary^ forbids all Men to at--
tempt any Thing that is^ in its Nature, contrary to the
Ends andWelfare^ the Peace and Profperity of civil Go-
vernment. But this 1 fay^ that Chrijtianity obliges and
encouf-ages all Chriftians to contend earneftly Tor the
Faith ; Jude^ ver. 3. and to ilrive together for
the Faith of the Gofpel -, in nothing terrified, by
their Adverfaries, Phil. i. 27. To Ihine as Lights
in the World, holding forth the Word of Life ;
Phil. ii. 15, 16. To look every Man, not on his
own Things, but every Man alfo on the Things
of others-, PhiL ii. 4. To have Companion of
fome, and others to fave with Fear, pulling them
put of the Fire % fjidcy ver, 22, 23. Tp convert

him

Ixxvi PREFACE.

him that efreth from the Truth, with the Encou^
ragement that he who thus convcrtech a Sinner, Ihall
fave a Soul from Death, and hide a Multitude of
Sins ; James v. 20. To have the Word of Chrift
dwelling in them richly in all Wifdom, that the^j
might teach and admonifh one another -, Col iii. 16.
^bey are commanded to put on the whole Armour
of God % and put in mind, that they were to wreftle
not only againft Flefh and Blood, Men of the lower
Degrees and Stations cf Life, hut againft Principa-
lities and Powers ; f. e. againft the Kings and Princes
cf this World, confederated zvith evil Spirits, againft
ihc Cau>e of God, and his ChrijJ, And amongft other
Paris of their Armour, they were not to forget the
iJwprd of the Spirit, which was the Word of God 5
£/)/i». vi^ I i-rr-^17. Farther, they are exhorted, nof
only /& hold faft the Profefiion of their Faith, hit
not to terfake the affembling of themfelves toge-
ther ; Hfh. X. 25. And the Hiflory of the A6ls />-
forms USy that where-ever Converts were made, they
formed themfelves into Churches and Congregations, for
piblick and focial IVorf/oip, without afkmg any Leaye
of the civil Magiflrate, or regarding their Attempts to
■per fe cute and dcjiroy them. And where Churches were
once gathered, the primitive Chrijtians thought it their
Glory to endeavour^ by all wife and prudent Methods,
the Oxnvcrfion of others, and to add to the Church fuch
as might be faved ; and were not afraid of the Charge
of Muliny and Sedition, for their Diligence in fpread-
ing the Knowledge of the Gofpel, and increajing the
I\' umber of Converts to the Chrifiian Faith,

^roin thcfe, and other Paffages which might be men*
iioned,f tis , evident that the Apoftks require; in Chri-
fiians a puhlick Profeffion of their Faith \ their meet-
ing together in publick Affemhlies, for focial Worfhip ;
iheir having Cornpaffion on fome^ and faving others,
and pulling them out of the? Fjre *^ their endeavouring

PREFACE. Ixxvii

to convert Sinners from the Error of their PFays 5 their
contending earnejlly^ their fir iving together for the Faith
of Chriji ; in nothing terrified by their Adverfaries ;
yea^ in oppofition to Kings and Princes^ and Priefls^
thofe Powers and fpiritual Wickedneffes in high
Places.

No ! faith Br. Rogers : If no Law of the GofpeI^ ^55^
requires the Chriftian, in his Station, publicklj^
(viz. by Preachings tVriting^ or. endedvourhig to form
Congregatio7is) to oppofe luch Prefcriptipns of Au-
thority, as appear contrary to him to any Law of
the GofpeJ, and to endeavour to render others dif-
farisfied with them, he may fafely let this alone^.
without Apprehenfion of Sin. And I continue to
think the Rule of the Apoftle, Plafi thou Faith?
* have it to thy felf^ before God — may be juftly extended
to this Cafe. f. e. Contend earneftly for the Faith ;
hold forth the Word of Life^ convert the Sinner from
the Error of his Ways. How ? Why^ by keeping
your Faith to your felf, before God, In like manner:
Forfake not the AfTembling of your felves toge-
ther. PFhy ? "That you may keep your Faith to
your felves, before God: i.e. Ton mufl meet i]^^^
Churches^ without Preaching or Hearings Praying or
Profejfng your Chrifiian Faith ; becaufe^ if any Hea-
thens or Je*^'sJbould come into the Affe?nlly^ you might
by ProfeJJing your Faith render them dijfatisfied with the
Prefcriptions of Authority^ and the ejtablifhed Religion. ^
Tou mufl contend earneflly for the Faith, by concealing
it ; and endeavour to convert Sinners ^ by faying 7wthirig
to render them dijfatisfied with their Errors. Is nat
this excellent Cafuiflry^ and an admirable Method of
pro?noting the Converfion of others ? Tes : This is all^
the Dd^or would have private Chrifiians do^ or- thinks
that they n^ed do ; excepting only, that, r4,n cfie pri-'j?^* 1 14*
vate Applications of Friendfliip and Converfation,
they are direftcd to inftruft the Ignorant, and in
I general

Ixxviil PREFACE.

general to ufe fuch Difcourfe as may minifter Grace
to the Hearers. But the Doclor hath not quoted the
Place of Scripture^ where the lnfiru£fion of the Ig-
norant^ and the mmiftring Grace to the Hearers^ b^j
good Difcourfe^ is confined merely to private Appli-'
cations of Friend/hip and Converjation }, nor proved
that it is unlawful for any private Chriftian^ who is
able to do it^ to give a proper Word of Inflruoiion in
a more publick Manner^ as he hath Opportunit'^. If
a Man in private Converfation pretends to in[tru£l the
Ignorant^ who is unfit to give fuch Inftruolion^ he will
he jujlly deemed exceedingly impertinent. If he be fit
to give fuch Inflru^lion^ will his lnftru5lion be ever the
worje for giving it publickly ? If he may minifter
Grace by a good Difcourfe^ to one or two ; may he not
alfo^ when he hath Opportunity^ minifter the fame
Grace to twenty^ or an hundred ? If he may do this
cnce^ may he not alfo twice ; and as often as he can
have Hearers to attend him ? ^Tis allowed by the
Doctor^ that all Chriftians are directed to inftru^i the
Ignorant among their Brethren, by the private Appli*
cations of Friendfhip. And I woidd ajk^ whether they
may not alfo injlru^ an ignorant Perfon^ who is no
Brother, or Chrifiian^ by the fame private Appli-
cation ? Whether the Reajon of the Apoflle^s DiretJion
to injtru^ the Ignorant >^ will not equally hold good,
whether the Perfon needing InftruBign be a Chrijfian
or a Pagan ? If it doth^ the Reafdn will hold good^
a fortiori, for his In^lruclicn of many ignorant Perfons^
if he can find any who are willing to attend him.

Befides, what is it the DoSlor intends^ by private
Applications of Friendfhip ? May a private Chri-^
flian feek after ignorant Per fans ^ toinffru^ and mi-
nister Grace to them ? When he hath inflruBed jome,
may he not feek after more ? May he not be as diligent
and indujlrious as he can^ in promotingGhriSlian Know-
ledge and Virtue^ even till be hath inflrutlcd fo many

PRE F A C E. Ixxk

as are fufficient to form a Chri(lian Congregation ? And
ma) he not 'proceed in this ufeful Service^ as far as the
Concerns of Life will admit hinij even as long as he
lives ? If he may^ is not this to fet up for a publick
teacher and Inflru5for ? Is not this gathering Con-
gregationSj which confift only of Individuals ? And
may not this be fometimes jujtly done^ in oppofition to
all Authority^ civil and eccleftajlical ?

IVhy no : Nothing of all this can he done : Even the
private Applications of Friendfhip^ in order to inflruEi
and minifier Grace^ will he zinjujiifiahle^ or at leafi
unnecejfary^ upon the Do£lor^s Scheme. For if a pri-
vate Chrijiian ought not publickly to oppofe fuch Pre-
Jcriptions of Authority^ as appear to him contrary to
fome Law of the Gofpel, left he Jhould render others^
who approve them, dijfatisfed with them *, / fay^
much lejs ought he to oppofe them in private ; lecaufe
private Oppofttions to the Prefcriptions of puhlick Au^
ihority may he fometimes fo managed^ as more effectually
to render others, who approve them, diffatisfied with
ihem, than a more puhlick Oppofition to them. And
ly confequence, privately infiru£ling the Ignorant, and
ufingfuch Difcourfe as may minifier Grace to the Hearers^
can never he jujlified, if this Grace is minijired contrary
to the, Prefcriptions of Authority ; or if the miniftring
it hath a Tendency to render others, who approve fuch
Prefcriptions, diffatisfied with them.

Had I not, long fince, learned not to wonder at the
mofi extravagant Principles of higoted Eccleftajlicks ;
had I not known, that no Principles are too ahfurd and
had for them to efpoufe, in order to fupport their Ufur-
pations over the Church of God, and maintain their
Secular Advantages and Emoluments ; / fhould really
he furprized to fee one, who calls himfelf a Chriflian
Wfyand a Protejlant, and who pretends to he a Minifier
of the Gofpel, labouring, fweating^ and contending^ as
pro aris & focis, to prove that private Chriflians are

not '

kxx PREFACE.

not to do all the Good they can : Thai the Attempt to
be ptiblickly nfeftil is at leaft impertinent^ if not un-
lawful -, and that their puUickl'j endeavouring to render
ethers dijjatisfied with the unlawful Prefcri prions of
Authority, is very unfuitaUe to^ and inconftftent with
their Chriftian Obligations and 'Duty. Surely the Zeal
ofChrijiians^ to fpread Chri/iian Knowledge and Piety ^
is not fo extravagantly warm, as to need the cooling
Prefcriptions of the Reverend Clergy,

But it is faid that ptiblick Inftru5tion is the Work
?• '>;> of the Clergy^ and of the Paftors of the Flock ; and
'54- that they are lo watch over it with Care, to guard
it againft Wolves ; to oppofe falfe Teachers, and
thofe who privily bring in damnable Herefies, But
now fuppoftng^ if it be not too uncharitable a Thing to
fuppofe it^ that the Men who call theiiif elves Paftors
of the Flock, fhouldbe very negHgcnc in their Charge^
infiead c;/' watching over it with Care : Suppoftng thefe
Pajlorsfhould be Wolves themfelves, who infiead of
guarding the Flock arc continually devouring it ; ?/, in^
}?^i2J<?foppofingfalfeTeachers,/Z?^yj/^^?/W themfelves
be felfe Teachers, and bring in damnable Hereftes^ prl-^
vily or puUickly ; what muji the poor Flock do, in fuch
a fad Situation ? What^ muft they obey thefc
Wolves, who pretend to have the Rule over them,
andfuffer themfelves contentedly to be devoured by them?
Muji they, without murmuring ordifputing, hearken^
to thefe falfe Teachers ? Muji they walk by the
fame Rule, and fpeak die fame Things with them,
when they bring in thefe damnable Herefies ?

To affrm this, /; exprefly to contradifi: the GofpeL
zThejf. St. Paul commands theBi'eihren, in the Name of our
iii. 6. Lord Jefus Chrift, to Vi^ithdraw themfelves trom
EVERY Brother that walketh dilorderly, and
not after the Tradition which he received of him.
Rem. xvi. He befcechcs the Roman Brethren to mark them
17. which caufc Divifions and Oifcnces, contrary to

the

PREFACE. Ixxxi

the Do(flrine which ye have learned, and avoid
THEM. Sl John exhorts the eleSl Lad'j^ whofoeverz ^ohn^
Jhewas^ and her Children^ to look to themfelves^^i 9, io»
and not to receive into her Houfe, or bid God-
fpced to the Man chat fhould tranfgrefs, and not
abide in the Dodrine of Chrijl. St. Peter tells
Chriifians^ that the following falfe Prophets and^p^f. ii.
Teachers, who bring in damnable Herefies, tended^) 2,.
to make the Way of Truth evil fpoken of; aitd
exhorts them to beware, left, being led away wither, iii. 17.
the Error of the Wicked, they fhould fill from
their Stedfaftnefs. St, Jude exhorts all Chrifiians^'^^* S-
to contend earneftly for the Faith delivered to the
Saints, in oppofttion to thofe ungodly Men, who
fhould deny tiie only Lord God^ and our Lord
Jefus Chrift. St. Paul exhorts the Philippians tophil/uzj»
ftand faft in one Spirit, and with one Mind, ftri-
ving together for the Faith of the Gofpel 5 inr^r. z8.
nothing terrified, by their Adverfaries. Fro?7i
thefe, and other PaJJages that might be ?nentioned^
nothing can be more clear ^ than that the Perfons^ who
fet up for Paflors and Teachers in the Chri§iian Churchy
are no farther to be obeyed or fabmitted to^ than they
teach the DoSirines of Chrifi : Jnd of this therefore all
Chrifiians are to judge. If they find thefe Paflors ptib-
lickly or privately teaching Errors and Herefies^ private
Chrifiians are publickly or privately to oppofe them ;
and contend earneftly^ by all ChriBian Methods within
their Power ^ for the uncorrupted Faith of Christianity.
They are to take care not to be corrupted themfelves ;
to warn others net to be deceived by them •, to withdraw
from them, and form themfelves into different Affem-
hlies for Worfhip, This is the Apo^olxck^ this is the
CbriSfian Rule : Tho' 'tis the. Do/^or's Opinion^ they
Jhould not endeavour to render others diffaiisfed with
the prescribed Errors of Authority^ but keep their Faith
to themjelves before God, and leave it to the Pallors

c publickly

hxxii PREFACE.

puhlickly to oppofe Errors ; without ever fuppcfwg tbaS
the Pajiors themfelves fftay broach them^ or making
any Provifwn for the Safety of the Flock, if they do.
But,

VII. Finally, I would once more obferve. That the
Eflahiifhment of Religion, in the Manner which the
Do6lor pleads for, is fo far from being in its Nature
neceffary to anjwer the Ends, and promote the Welfare
of Societies ; fo far from being fuch an Advantage to
- them, as no human Wifdom can devife an Equivalent
for it, as that it hath been the grand Occafion of the
greatefl Misfortunes and Calamities that have ever
befel them. For from hence have proceeded all thofe
Ferfecutions, which have laid wafle Nations and King--
doms^ and ever proved fatal to Righteoufnefs and
Truth. Such Ejlablifnmenis are, in their • Nature^
the great Bulwarks and Securities of falfe and impious
Religions \ and, by confequence, powerful Obflruhions
to the prevailing of the true. This Eflablifhment of
Paganilm hindered the Reception and Succejs^of Chri-
ftianicy ; and the like Eflablifhtnent of Poo^ry p;r events^
to this Day, the Spreading ofihc Reformation. Now
if Popery and Paganifm are really falfe Religions ;
and if many of the Principles of each are directly con-
trary to the Good of Society \ I would fain know how
the Bo^or^s Ejiahlifhment of either can be of any Im-
portance to the Happinefs of Society ? Can the Efta-
blifhtnent of Falfhood be neceffary to ajfert the Obli-
gations of Moral Virtue? Or the Eflablifhment of
Impiety and Superflition derive on Societies thofe Ad-
vantages'of Religion, for which human Wifdom can
devife no Equivalent ? Or the Efablifbrnent of Prin-
ciples and Pra^ices, fubverftve of the true IVelfare
of Societies, in any meafure contribute to the IVelfare
ef them ?

Let

PREFACE. Ixxxiii

Let Experience determine this. Before Con (Ian-
tineV Titne Paganifm was the ejlablijhed Religion of
the Roman Empire, Now to what was the general
Corruption of the Principles and Morals of the Heathen
World owing ? Wh^^ to their eftablifljed Religion.
Whence proceeded the horrid Perfecutions of the Pri-
mitive Chrijlians^ and the diabolical Cruelties which
were pravlifed againjl thcm^ in almofi all Nations of
the World ? From the exclufive Eflablifhment of the
Do5for^s Religion of Profeffons and Modes. Whence
the Perfecutions which the Orthodox carried on^ againft
the Anans ? From fuch an Eflablijfjment of Ortho-
d^'xw Whence the Perfecutions of the Arians, againji
the Orthodox ? From fuch an Efiablifhment of Aria-
nifm. Tio what do we owe all the Butcheries of Po-
pcry ? 'Jhofe Seas of Bloody that have been fpilt by
the church of Rome ? "The Crufadoes againfl the
Albigenfes, the Wars raifed to extirpate the Vaudois,
^the Cruelties praSiifed upon the Moors in Spain, and
the almojl Deflation of that Country by their Banifh-
inent ^ the infernal Maffacres of Paris and Ireland,
the more private Fires that have been kindled up in
every Nation for the Defiru£Iion of Hereticks^ and the
d'abolical P radices of the Inquijition : To what are
all thefe Things owing ? Whence hath the Chrifiian
World derived thefe Plagues and Curfes of Mankind?
Wh\^ from the DoBor^s Efiablifhment of Religion.
Reader : Confult what Hiflories thou pleafefl ; look
into all fuch human Eflablifhments of Religion^ as the
Botlor f leads for^ either in antient or modern Times^
and thou wilt generally find^ that as the Religions efla-
blifhed have been nothing better than Super jtition and
Idolatry^ fomewhat contrary to true Religion and Mo-
rality ; Jo the Confequence hath been Ignorance^ and pro-
d:qtcus Wickednefs in the People ; and as the Effcol of
this^ a State of the vilefi and moft abjeB Slavery to civil
and cccleftafiical Tyranny.

e 2 Sc^

Ixxxiv P R E F A' e E.

So that if the Expediency of fuch kind of EflaUiJh-
tnents of Forms and Profefpons is to be judged of by
the good Effe^s of them upon Societies in general, or
their Subferviency to anfwer the Deftgns, and promote
the Interefts of true ReiigiGu ; fuch Expediency muft be
given up, and can never be defended. Let the warmeji
Zealots for fuch EjtabUPjmcnts but confefs the Truth,
and they mufi acknozvledge, that amongft the feveral
Religions ejlablifhed at this Day, true Religion, if any
where beftdes among ji our [elves ^ is eiiablifped hut\in
a very few Places. The estublijl^ed Religions of mofl
Parts of the World, are thofe of Paganifm and Ma-
hometanifm. Among^ Christians, how extenfive is
ths Eftahlifhment ^/Popery ? A Religion compofed
of ConlradiSiions, Abfurdities, and the moft impious
Errors ; fuppoYted by Impofture, and Lies \ main-
tained and propagated by Tyranny and Cruelty \ and
which, where -ever it prevails, nee ejfarily proves fatal
to the Liberty, Virtue, Trade, Riches, and every
Thing in which the Profperity of a People can confijl.
, Tell me, O ye Reverend Advocates for thefe E^a^
bhfhmentSy whether they are for the Good of true Re-
ligion, the Honour and Succefs of Chri§iianity, the
Welfare of I^ations, and the Happinefs of Society ?
Do the Obligations of Moral Virtue depend on them ?
'What are the invaluable Benefits they derive on So-
lieiles? Can your "Wifdoms devife no Equivalent
for them ? Will ye defend the Magi^rate^s Right to
maintain and fupport thefe Eftablifhments by ne-
gative and pofitive Penalties ? Will ye thus plead for
the Supprcffwn of Righteoufnefs and Truth ? Will ye
jtand by 'Super ration and Idolatry^ in oppofttion to the
■Religion of your Saviour ? Will you, who call your
felves //?^ AmbaiTadors of the Son of God, vindicate
the Powers cf this World in ferfecuting your fellow Sub-
je5ls, and rendring the Profeffon of his Religion penal ?
Will you alfc, who boafl oj being the Scewards of his

Myfteries,

PREFACE. Ixxxv

Myfteries, give your Approbation and San5lion to
thofe civil Laws ^ that exclude thefe Myfteries (?«/ of
the Kingdoms of the Earth ?

Tes\ Tou mujt do it: This is the Caufe You muft
defend ; if Tou will defend^ with Dr. Rogers, the
Magiftrate^s Right to eftablijh^ by negative and po-
Jitive Penalties^ fiich a Religion as he thinks proper.
But will this be an Argument of your Love to Chri-
ifianity ? This a Proof of your Zeal for your great
Masier^s Inter eft ? Impartial People will thinks that
the Encouragements of Hojwur and Support^ the Marks
of Favour and Confdencey the Donations^ Privileges
and Immunities^ and other Advantages of Preference^
which the Doctor pleads for^ are the great Motives of
your Zeal^ and the main OhjeBs of your Purfuit. They
will imagine that the Men^ who will vindicate the
EBabliJhment of every Religion^ will be of any that they
believe to be mojt for their Intereft ; and are Chriftians
and Protectants rather out of Profit^ than Affection.

But thefe are Cenfures I leave others to make. Sure
I amy that the Scheme of Dr. Rogers is a wicked,
ungodly Scheme ; calculated for the Supprejfion of
"Truth and Chriftianityy and to render the worft Su-
per [litions and Impoftures for ever inviolable.

I perfuade my felf however^ that there are many
worthy Divines of the eftablifhed Churchy who would
he afhamed to defend even their own Eftablifhmenr,
upon the Doctor^ % Principles and Conceffions. I fhould
not wonder that a Pagan, a Mahometan, a Papift,
or Hobbift, fljould thus^ at all Adventures^ vindicate
the Religion of the Magijlrate: But that a Chriftian
or a Prote/iant Divine fhould advance and vindicate
a Scheme that conde?nns the Introduction both of Chri-
ftianity and the Reformation^ and maintain his own
Right to fecular Emoltfments and Advantages, by fuch
Arguments as fijlify the Murder of our Saviour, his
Apo/lleSy the primitive Chriftians^ and the whole Army

Ixxxvi P R E F^ A C E.

of Martyrs and Confejfors in the Chrijlian Church :
^his is truly furpriftng^ arid what I can no otherwife
account for hut upon thisfmgle Principle^ that Religion
is the Creature of the State; and the befl Religion
THAT which hath the greatefi Profits^ and the bigheji
Emoluments attending it.

I have do7ie when 1 have addedj That as I have^
in the foregoing Pages^ only endeavoured to fhew the
fatal Confequences that nee effarily flow from the Do5lor^s
Scheme ofEflabltfhments ; fol cannot fairly beunderjlood
to have argued againjly a7td condemned indefinitely all
religious Eft ablifhments whatjoever % much lefs the ejta-
hlifhed Religions of Great Britain. "The Forms efta-
llijhed in the North andSo\M]\ Parts of this Kingdom
are very different ; each fupported by the fame civil
Power^ and rendred unalterable by the fame Laws.
The Religion of the Magiftrate in Scotland, which he
fupports and encourages^ is intirely Prefbyterian ; and
the Religion of the Jame Magiftrate in England is as
intirely Frelatical. So that the fame civil Magiftrate
encourages two very different Forms and Profeffwns
of Religion^ by Provifions of Support and Honour.
And therefore 1 infer ^ that thefe different Religions are
locally neceffary, each of them where it obtains^ to
give a due EfFeft and Influence to the Laws of the
Community, and to affert the Obligations of Moral
Virtue it felf •, or elfe that neither of them is, or can
be ft) ; and that the Eftablifhment of them will ^not be
vindicated upon the Foundation of fuch a Neceffity,

Any Arguments drawn from Religion^ "Truth and
Righteoufneft^fcr the Defence of religious Eft ablifhments^
Ifhall never oppofe ; nor be an Enemy to any fuch Efta-
bli/hments, as are not formed to the Difhonour^ or for the
Oppreffwn of Chriftianity^ or do not break in upon the
facred Rights ofConfcience^ and the common Rights and
Privileges ofallgoodSubjeSls. IVhere-ever thisistheCafe^
Eftahlifhments muft be fo far faulty, and deferve the

Amend'

PREFACE. Ixxxvii

Amcndmint of ever'j wife and equitable Legiflature.
And therefore^ as I am as much in Judgment againji
tranfplanting the Prefhyterks and Affemblies of the
North into the Southern Parts of Great Britain,
and eftablilhing them by a Law amongji us, as the
warmefl Friends to the Ecclefiaftical Conftitution of
England can be -, fo I will conclude all with my hearty
Wifhes and Prayers to Almighty God for the Church
^/England, which I acknowledge and ejleem as a
very valuable Branch of the Church ofChrifl. I wifh^
for her own Honour, and the Sake of our common
Chriflianiiy, that her Articles and Profeffions of Faith
were more extenfive and generous, fo that all fine ere
Chrijiians could fubfcribe them : That her Ceremonies
njoere more conformable to the Simplicity of the Gofpel^
and left as indifferent as {he acknowledges them her
[elf to be: That the Temptations fhe hath laid to
Mens debafing and profaning the facred Infiitution
of our Saviour^ s Supper, were wholly removed j and
that her Toleration of fuch, as could not intirely con-
form to her, was perfe£l and univerfai. Were this
her Cafe, fhe would indeed be the Glory of all the
eflablifhed Churches of the Reformation, and her
Conjlitution be both amiable and fecure. Great Peace
would fhe have, and nothing could offend her^
She would have a Security more fubflantial than Tefts
and civil Penalties can ever afford her ; / mean in
the ftncere AffeSticn of every wife and good Man, and
the conflant Care and ProteStion of divine Providence.
But give tne Leave to add, that all fuch Fences,
which are raifed up for the Support of particular Efla-
blijhments, upon the Foundation of opprefllve Laws,
and evident repeated Proftitutions of the mofl folemn
Ordinances of the Qhriflian Worfhip \ fuch Fences mufi
be feeble and precarious in their "Nature, grievous
to the Friends ^ Liberty and true Virtue •, fuch as can
never be juflified by true Politicks, the Ends of So-
2 ciety,

Ixxxviii PREFACE.

ciety, or the Interefts of Religion ; and, finally, fuch
as can never he acceptable to, and therefore never
countenanced by the great God, who canU but be
ftippofed to have a Regard for the Honour of his oijon
Infiitulions ; and to look down from Heaven, with a
juft Abhorrence, upon all human Laws 'that per-^
vert the original Defign of thofe Inftitutions, and en-^
courage and authorize the moft fcandalous Ahufes and
Profanations of them.

THE

[ Ixxxix ]

THE

CONTENTS.

Ntroduction

Page

BOOK L

Of Perfecutions amongfl: the Heathen,
upon account of Religion — 7

$e6l. t. Abraham persecuted ■ ibid.

II. Socrates, and others^ perfecuted amongft the

Greeks

III. Egyptian Perfecutions -

IV, Perfecutions by Antiochus Epiphanes
V. Perfecutions under the Romans ■

VI. Perfecutions by the Mahometans —

BOOK II.

Of the Perfecutions under the Chriftian Em-

perors

"- 33
Seit,

xc CONTENTS.

Se£t. 1. Of the Difpuie concerning Eafter Page 34
II. Of the Perfecutions begun by Conii'dniinQ 39

I Til. I. The biictht Council ^— ^_-l. 63

IV. 2. The firji Council of Conftantinople 114

V. 3. Th^ Council of Ephdus > — -» 126

VI. 4. The Council of Ch2i\ctdon '- 128

VII. 5. The fecond Council of ConG:2intmop\t 144

VIII. 6. The third Council at ConHmzmoplQ 152

IX. 7. The fecondNictnc Council ■ 157

BOOK III.

Of Perfecutions under the Papacy ; and, parti-
cularly, of the /;>'^«/////^;/ — — . — 160

Se6i. I. Of the Progrefs of the Inquifttion — — i6i
The Cruelties committed in the Country of

Tholoufe • ■■ ■■^"■~ 162

In Spain, againji the Jews and'Mooxs 163
Jgainft Chrifiian Hereticks 165

II. Of the Officers belonging to the Inquifition.

Inquifttors ^ 174

, Fa?mliars. ■ ■' "■■"■ > ■■■» 180

Jail- Keepers — — ~— — ~- 181

^. Defcripiion of the Jails — 182

III. Of the Crimes cognizable by the Inquifition^
and the Punifhment annexed to them.
Herefy ■ *^ - — - 206"

■Sufpicion of Herefy -— — ■ '- 211

Relapfe into Herefy * -— 213

Poligamy ■ 214

Solicitation of Boys and Women in the Sa--
cramentalConfeffion ^~— *~ ■ 215.

Sodomy ^ — — — »*■" - - 217

Blafphcmy — — *- -1 — 218

Sed.

C O N T E NT S. xci

Sed.IV. Of the Manner of Proceeding lefore the Tn*
lunal of the Inquifition — Page 221

^he Witnejfes -% '. . ■ 227

Examination of the Prifoners — — — 229
Artifices to bring them to Confeffion — - 233
T:he tortures ufed in the Inquifition — 239
Penances ^ — ■» 260

Procefs againft the Dead — - 268

^he A£i of Faith • • * 271

^he Execution * « 284

^e principal Iniquities of the 'Tribunal of
the Inquifition enumerated ^ 297

BOOK IV.

Of Perfecutions amongft Proteftants *- 308

Sect. I. Luther'i Opinion concerning Perfecution

309
II. CalvinV DoSlrine and Pra£iice concerning

Perfecution — ■'— *■ ^ — 312

III. Perfecutions at Bern, Bafil, and Zurich

326

IV. Perfecutions in Holland, and by the Synod

of Don ^ ■* — — — — ^ 330

V. Perfecutions in Great Britain ~ 340

VI. Perjecutions in New England — * 396

CoNCLusIO^f•

Sed. I. The Clergy the great Promoters of Perfecution

403
II. The Thi?7gs for which Cbrifiians have per-^

fecuted one another^ generally of fmall Im-
portance — ■■ . 407

HI. Pride^ Ambition^ and Covetoufnefs^ the grand
Sources of Perfecution — — ■ : ■ 415

Scft.

xcU

CONTENTS.

Sc6V. IV. The Decrees of Councils and Synods of no Au"

thoriiy in Matters of Faith — Page 418

V. 7})e impojing Subfcriptiom to human Creeds

unreajbnable and pernicious ' 424

VT. Adherence to the facred Scripture the heft Se-

curity of Truth and Orthodoxy - " - 438

VII. The Chriftian Religion abfolutely condemns

Perfecutionfor Confcience-fake ■ 442

THE

mTRODUCTION^;

ELIGlbN is a Matter of the
higheft Importance to every Man,,
and therefore there can be nothing
which deferves a more impartial
Inquiry, or which fhould be exa-
mined into with a moredifinterefte4
Freedom i becaufe as far as our Acceptance with
the Deity de||tnds on the Knowledge and Pradlice
of it, fd far Religion is, and mufl: be^ to us a
purely perfoml Thing \ in which therefore we
ought to be ^determined by nothing but the Evi-
dence of Truth, arid the rational Convidions of
our own Mind and Gonfcience, Without fuch an
Examination and Convidlion, we (hall be in Dan-
ger of being irhpofed oh by crafty and defigning
Men, who will not fail 7^ make their Gain of the Ig-^
ywrance and Credulity of thofe they can deceive, nor
Jc Tuple to recommend to them the worft Principles
andSuperlliuons, if they find them conducive or
neceflary to iupport their Pride, Ambition and
Avarice. The Hiftory of almoft all Ages and
Nations is an abundant Proof of this AfTertion,

B God

ii T'he I N T R O D U C T i O No

God himfelf, who is the Objedl of all religious
Worfhip, to whom we owe the moft ablolut^
Subjeftion, and whofe Aftions are all guided by
the difcerned Reafon and ficnefs of Things, cannot^
as I apprehend, confifteht with his own moft per-
fect Wif lorn, require of his reaforiable Creatures
the exDlicite Belief of, or aftual Aflent to any
Propcfirion which they do not, or cannot either
wholly or partly undeffland ; becaufe 'cis requi-
ring of them a real Impoffibility, no Man beirig
able to ftretch his Faith beyond his Underftanding,
i.e. /^y^(f an Obje<5t that was never prefent to his
Eyes, or to difcern the Agreement or Difagree-
ment of the ditFerertt Parts of a Propofuion, the
Terms of which he hath never heard of, or cannot
poflTibly underftandv Neither can it be fuppofed
that God can demand fronfy us a Method of Wor-
fliip, of which we cannot difcern fome Reafon and
Fitnefs ; becaufe it would be to demand from uj?
JVorfmp without Underftanding and Judgment, and
without the Concurrence of the Heyt and Con-
fcience, i.e. a kind af W^rfhip different from,
and exclufive of that, which, in t^e Nature of
Things, is the moft excellent and beft, viz. the
Exercife of thofe pure and rational Affeftions, and
that Imitation of God by Purity of Heart, and
the Prafticc of the Virtues of a good Life, in
which the Power, Subftarrce, and Efficacy of true
Religion doth confift. If therefore nothing can or
ought to be believed, but under the Direft'on of
the Underftanding, nor any Scheme of Religion
and Worfhip to be received but what appears rea-
fonable in it felf, and worthy of God ; the neceffa-
ry Confequence is, that every Man is bound in
Intereft and Duty to make the beft Ufe he can of
his* reafonable Powers, and to examine, without
Fear, all Principles before he receives them, and

ali

The Introduction. ill

all Rites and Means of Religion and Worihip be-
fore he fubmics to and complies with them. This
is the common Privilege of human Nature, which
no Man ought ever to part with himfelf, and of
which he can't be deprived by others, without the
greateft Injuftice and Wickednefs.

'Twill, I doubt not, appear evident beyond
Contradiction, to all who impartially confider the,
Hiftory of paft Ages and Nations, that where and
whenever Men have been abridged, or wholly
deprived of this Liberty, or have neglefted to make
the due and proper Ufe of it, or facrificed their
own private Judgments to the publick Confcience,
or complimented the licetifed fpiritual Guides with
the Direftion of them. Ignorance and Superftitioa
have proportionabjy prevailed ; and that to thefe
Gaufes have been owing thofe great Corruptions of
Religion, which have done fo milch Difhonour x6-
God, and, where- ever they have prevailed,- beea.
deftrudive to thelntereftsof true Piety and Virtue.
So that inflead of ferving God with their Reafon and
iJnderftandiog, Men have ferved their fpiritual
Leaders without either, and have been fo far from
rendring ihemfelves acceptable to their Maker,
that they have the more deeply, *tis to be feared,
incurred his Difpleafure 5 becaufe God can't but
diflike the Sacrifice of Fools ^ and therefore of fucht
who either negled: to improve the feafonable Power$
he hath given them, or part with them in Con>
plaifance to the proud, ambitious, arid ungodly
Claims of others ; which is one of the higheft Lt
ftances of Folly that can polTibly b& mentioned,

I will not indeed deny, but that the appointing
Perfons, whofe peculiar Office it ftiould be to mi-
niftcr in the external Services of publick and focial
Worfhip, is, when under proper Regulations, of
Advantage to the Decency and Order of divine Ser-

B ^ vice;

h ^he iNTRbDtlCTIO^.

vice. But then I think it of the moft pernicioir^
Confequence to the Liberties of Mankind, and a;b-
folutely incoriftftent with the true Profperity of a
Natiori, as well as with the Intereft and SucCefs of
rational Religion, to fuffer fuch Minifters to be-
come the Directors general of the Confciences and
Faith of others-, or publickly toaflume, and ex-
ercifefuch a Povrer, as (hall oblige others to fub-
mit to their Determinations, without being con-^
vinced of their being wife and reafonable, and ne-
ver to difpute thefir fpiritual Decrees. The very
Claim of fuch a Power i^ the higheft Infolence, and
an Affront to the common Senfc and Reafon of
Mankind ; and wherc-ever 'tis ufarped and allowM^
the rhoft abjec^i Slavery, both of Soul and Body, isr
almoft the unavoidable Confequence. For by fuch
aSiibmiffion to fpiritual Power, the Mind and
Co'nfcience is actually enflaved ; and, by being thus
rendered paflive to the Prieft, Men are naturally
prepared for a fervile Subjedion to the Prince, and
Idr becoming Slaves to the moll arbitrary and ty-^
rarinical Governmeht. And I believe it hath been
generally found true by Experience, that the fame
Perfons who have afferted their own Power over
others in Matters of Religion and Confcience, have
alfo afferted the abfolute Power of the Ci'vil Magi-
ftrate, and been the avowed Patrons of thofe ad-
mirable Do6trincs of PaJJive-Obediehce and ISon*
Refiftance for the Subject. Our own Natiori is'
fufficiently witnefs to the Truth of this.

'Tis therefore but too natural to fufpeft, that
the fecret Intention of all ghoftly and fpiritual Di-
redlors and Guides in decrying Reafon, the nobleft
Gift of God, and without which even the Being of
a God, and the Method of our Redemption by
JefusChrifl:, would be of no moreSignificancy to
»5, than to the Brutes that periflr, is in reality the

Advance^

T'he I N T E O D JJC T I 0 N.

Advancement of their own Power and Authority
over the Faith and Confciences of others, to which
found Reafon is, and ever will be an Enemy : For
tho* I readily allow the great Expediency and Need of
divine Revelation toaffillus in our Inquiries intothr
Nature of Religion, and to give us a full View of
the Principles and Practices of it ; yet a very fmall
Share of Reafon, without any fupernatural Help,
will luffice, if attended to, to let me know that my
Soul is my own, and that I ought //^/ to put my Con-
fcience oul to keeping to any Perfon whatfoever, be-
cai,ife no Man can be anfwerable for it to the great
God but my felf ; and that therefore the Claim of
Dominion, whoever makes it, cither over mine or
any others Confcience, is mere Impoflure and Cheat,
that hath nothing but Impudence or Folly to fup-
port it ; and as truly vifionary and romantick as the
imaginary Power of Perfons diforder'd in their
Senfes, and which would be of no moreSignificancy
and Influence amongft Mankind than theirs, did not
either the Views of ambitious Princes, or the Super-
ftition and Folly of Bigots encourage and fupport it.
Qn thefe Accounts, it is highly incumbent on all
Rations, who enjoy the Blcfllngs of a limited Go-
vernment, who would preferve their Conftitution,
and tranfmit it fafe to Pofterity, to be jealous of
every Claim of fpiritual Power, and not to enlarge
the Authority and Jurifdiclion of fpiritual Men,
i^eyond the Bounds of Reafon and Revelation. Lee
them have the freeft Indulgence to do good, and
fpread the Knowledge and Practice of true Religion^
and promote Peace and good Will amongft Man-
kinc|. Let them be applauded and encouraged^
and even rewarded, when they arc Patterns of Vir^
tue, and Examples of real Piety to their Flpcks.
Such Powers as thefe God and Man would readily
allow them \ and as to any other, I apprehend,,

^ Z they

^^ The Introduction:

they have little right ro them, and am fure- they
have feldom made a wife or rational Ufe of theml
On the contrary, numberlefs have been ^he Con-
fufions and Mifchiefs introduced into the World,
and occafioned by cheUfurpers of fpiritual Autho-
riry. In the Chriftian Church they have ever ufecf
itwith Infolence, and generally abufed it to Op-
preffion, and the worft of Cruelties. And though
cheHiftory of fuch Tranfaftions can never be a
very plcafing and grateful Talk, yet, I think, on
many Accounts, it may be ufetul and inftru6live ;
cfpecialjy as ir may tend to give Men an Abhor-
rence of all the Methods of Ferfecution, and put
them upon their Guard •tj'gainft all thofe ungodly
Pretentions, by which Ferfecution hath been in-
troduced and fupported.

But how much foev^er the perfecuting Spirit hath
prevailed amongft thofe who have called them-
lelves Chrifiians, yet certainly *cis a great Miftakc
toconfine it wholly to them. We have Inftances
of Ferfons, who were left to the Light of Narure
and Reafon, and never fufpefted of being perverted
by any Revelation, murtheringand dellroying each
other on the Account of Religion •, and o* fome
judicially condemned to Death for differing from
the Orthodox, i.e. the eftablifhed Idolatry of
their Country. And I doubt not, but that if we
had as full and particular an Account of the Tranf-
aftions of the different religious Se6ts and Farties
amongft the Heathens, as we have of thofe
amongfl Chrifiians, we fhould find a great many
more Inftances of this kind, than*tiseafy or poffi-
ble now to produce. However, there are fome
very remarkable ones, which I lliall not wholly
omito

THE

HISTORY

O F

PERSECUTION.

c^'^<^•^•^* ^♦^r:*^-^**':^**** ^**•:^***^* ^*4?^**^<^'^ ^* :-^

BOOK I.

Of Perfectition amongfi the Heathens upon
Account of Religion.

S E C T. L

Abraham perfecuted,

tf^^^^\\ H E R E is a Paffage in the Book Cap. ^

'rCAi o\ Judith which intimates to us, that^* ^i ^^*
the Anceftors of the Jews them-
felves were perfecuted upon Account
of their Religion. Achior^ Captain
of the Sons oi Ammon^ gives Hoio-
femes this Account of the Origin of that Nation.
'This People are defcended of the Chaldeans ; and

B 4 they

? 7y&^ History ^Persecution.

ihe^j fojourned heretofore in Mefopotamia, hecaufe
they would not follow the Gods of their Fathers^ which
were in the Land of ChdXdtz. \ for they left the Way
of their Anceflors^ andworfhipped the God of Heaven^
the God whom they knew. So they cafl them out from
the Face of their Gods^ and they fled into Mefopota-
De dvit. mia, and fojourned there many Days. Si, Auflin and
T>d,\.^(>* Mar/ham both take. Notice of this Tradition j
^^5- which is farther confirmed by all the oriental Hi-
Cron.^. $.^^^^^"^' who, as the learned Dr, Hyde tells us,
i)e Relig. unanimoufly affirm, that Abrahath^n^trtd many
Perf. c. 2. Perfecutions upon the account of his Oppofition to
the Idolatry of his Country ; and that he was par-
ticularly imprifoned for it by Nimrod in Ur. Some
of the Eaftern Writers alfo tell us, that he was
thrown into the Fire^ but that he was mi?iaculoufly
preferved from being confumed in it by God.
Hotting, This Tradition alfo the Jews believed, and is par-*
Smfg- tlcularly mentioned by Jonathan in his Targum up-
^^^'^^^ on Gen. xi. 28. Nim/od threw Abraham into a
^'g^ * Furnace of Fire, iecaufe he 'would not worjhip his
Idol\ hut the Fire had no Power to burn. hinj^. So
early doth Perfecution feem to have begun againft
the Worfhippersof th^ true God. ^

SECT. II.

SocrSLttsperfecuted amongft the Greeks, and others.

Plat, in ^OCRJTES, who^ in the Judgment of an
Apoloc;. ^ Oracle, was the wifefl Man 'living, was per*
pro So- fecuted by the Athenians on the account of his
l)foe Religion, and, when pad feventy Years of
Latrc. in Age, brought to a publick Trial, and con-
Soc. demned. His Accufation was principally this;
*' That he did gnrighteoufly and curioufly fearcl^
^^ into the great Myftcries of Heaven and

"... ^' Earthy

V!C

The History of Persecution. 9

^^ Earth ; * that he corrupted the Tonth^ and did
^' not efteem the Gods worfliipped by the City' to
<< be really Gods, and that he introduced new
'^ Deifies.*' This lall Part of his Accufation was
undoulDtedly owing to his inculcating upon them
more rational and excellent Conceptions of the
Deity, thah were allowed by the eftablilhed
Creeds of his C6t3r4try, and to his arguing againft
the Corruptions and Superftitions which he faw
univerfally pra6lifed by the Greeks. This was
tzWtd corrupting the Touth who were -his Scholars^
and what, together with his fuperior Wifdom,
raifed him mahy Enemies amongft all forts of
People, who loaded him with Reproaches, and
fpread Reports concerning him greatly to his
Difadvancj^e, endeavouring thereby to prejudice
the Minds of his very Judges againft him. When
he was brought to his Trial, feveral of his Accu-
iers were never fo rnuch as named or difcoyered
fo him ; fo that, as lie himfelf complained, he
was, as it' were* fighting with a Shadow, when
he* V/as defending himfelf againft his Adverfaries,
becdufe he knew not whom he oppofed, and had
no one to anfwer him. However, he maintained
his own Innocence with thenobleft Refolution and
Courage ; (hewed he was far from corrupting the
Youth, and openly declared that he believed the
Being of a God. And, as the Proof of this his
Belief, he bravely faid to his Judges; '' That
" though he was very fenfible of his Danger from
'' the Hatred and Malice of the People, yet that,
^' as. he apprehended, God himfelf had appointed
^\ him to teach his Philofophy, fo he Ihould

** gricvoufly

J0 Tbe History of Persecution.

grievoufly offend him Ihould he forfake his Sta-
tion through fear of Death, or any othtr Evir-,
and that for fuch a Difobedience to the Deity,
** they might more juftly accufe him, as not be-
*' lieving there were any Gods : '* Adding, as
though he had fomewhat of the fame bleffed Spirit;
that afterwards refted on the Apoftl s of Chrilt,
*' That if thej/ would difmifs him upon the Con^
*f dition of nct'teaching his PhiI.c;fophy any more,
«^ b / will' obey- God rather than you ^ and -teach my
*^ PhilGJophy as long as Ilivey— /However, notwith-
ftanding the Gobdnefs of his Caufe and Defence,
he was condemned for Impiety and Atheifm, and
ended his Life with a Draught of Poifon, dying a
real Martyr for God, and the Purity of hisWorfhip,
Thus we fee that in the Ages of natural Reafon
and Light, not to be orthodox, pr toftiffer frocji
the eftablifhed Religion, was the fame Thmg as
to be impious and atheiftical ; and that one of the
wifeft and beft Men that ever Jived in the Hea-
then World was put to Death merely on account
of his Religion. The Athenians^ indeed, after-
wards repented of what they had done, and con-
demned one of his Accufer^, MelituSy to Death^
and the others to Baniflimenr.

I muft add, in Juftice to the Laity, that the
Judges and Accufers of , Socrates were not Priefts,
Melitus was a Poet, Anytus an Artificer, and Lycon
an Orator ; fo that the Profecution was truly
Laick, and the Priefts don't appear to have had
any Share in his Accufation, Condemnation, and
Death. Nor, indeed, was there any Need of the
Afliflance of Pricftcraft in- this Affair, the Profe-
cution of this excellent Man being perfeftly agree-

^ Tlet7oiJLax 7zS ^sco uaKKov n v(JilVo Plar# Ibid. A<fl. S*

able

7he History ^PifeRSECuxioN. %%

able to the Conftitution and Maxims of the Ath'e-
^i^» Government ; which had, to ufe the Words
of a late Reverend Author, hicorporaled or 7nade i^r.Kogen
Religion a Part of the Laws of the crjil Community J^^^:^f*^*
One of the Mick Laws was to this Effeft : '-' Let it^Jl^^^^
be a perpetual Law^ and binding at all Times, to wor- 5,^^. ^ *
fhip our national Gods and Heroes publickly, according
to the Laws of our Anceftors. So that no new Gods,
nor new Doftrin'es about old Gods, nor any new
Rites of Worfhip, could be introduced by any Per-
fon whatfoever, without incurring the Penalty of
this Law, which was Death. Thus Jofephus tells Gont. ^
us, that 'cwas prohibited by Law to teach new P'^"- ^- i-
Gods, and that the Punifhment ordained againft?.^^*^^'^'
thofe who fhould Introduce any fuch, was Death.
Agreeably to this, the Orator Ifocrates, pleading
in the Grand Coiincil of Athens, puts them in mind
of the Cuftom and Practice of their Anceftors :
*^ fn?ij zvas their principal Care to abolijh nothing they^Coc. A-
had received from their Fathers in Matters of Reli- ^^^P^
gion, nor to make any Addition to what they had efta-
blifhed. And therefore, in his Advice to Nicocles^
he exhorts him to ^ be of the fame Religion with his
Ancejlors. So that the Civil Eflablifliment of R«-
ligion in Athens was entirely exclufive, and no To-
leration whatfoever allowed to thofe who differed
from it. On this Account, the Philofophers inAchen.
general were, by a publick Decree, banifhed from?* ^'°-
Athens, as teaching heterodox Opinions, and <^^^-ruk*^^"
ruptirig the 2^outh in Matter.<i of Religion -, and, by Dioc*.
a Law, very much refembling the famous modern Laen. 1. 5.

Segm, 58.

^ Vet. ^A T»f 05 « J iTQiei ^}p ftjf 01 TrejyovQi ^^TiJ^^^dr,

Schifm

}| ^ke History ^ Persegutiqi?.

Scbifm Billy ^prohibited from being Matters and
Teachers of Schools, without Leave of the Senate
and People, even under Pain of Death. This
Law, indeed, like the other, was but very fhort-
lived, and Sophocles the Author of it puniihed in a
Athen. Fine of five Talents. Lyfimachus alfo banifhed
?. 6io. them from his Kingdorn. *Tis evident, from jphefe
Things, that, according to the Athenian Conlli-
tution, §ocraie5 was legally condemned for not be-
lieving in the Gods of his Country, and prefuming
to have better Notions of the Deity than his Su-
Jof. Ibid, periors. In like. manner, a certain Woman, a
Prieftefs, w^s put* to Death, upon an Accufatiori
of lier introducing new Deities.
In vit. Diogenes Laerlius tells us, that Jjmxagoras, the

Anax, Philosopher, was accufed qf Irnpiety, becaufe
he 2 afHrm'd, that the Sun was a Globe of red hot Iron \
which was certainly great }r\trtiy , becaufe
his Country worfhippfd hjm as a Gqd. Stilpo
I.S.c. 38. was alfo baniflied his Country, as the fame Writer
tells us, becaufe he denied ^ Minervc^ to be a Godj
allowing her only to he a Goddefs. A very deep and
curious Controverfy this, anc| worthy the Cogni-
Jofeph. zance of the Civil Magjftrate. Diagoras w^s alfo
-Ibid. condemnec] to Deat}i, and a Talent decreed to hin^
Athen. ^[-j^j- fj^oujj kill him upon his Efcape, being accufed
^' ^^' of deriding the Myjteries of the (jods. Protagoras
alfo would have fuffered Death, had he not fled his
Country, becaufe he had written fomething about
the Gods, that differed from the orthodox O^x-
mons oixht Athenians. Upon the fame Account,
Athen, TbeodoruSy Called Athens^ and TheotifnuSy who wrote
Ibid.

8 A/OT/ TQV i)\iOV uvJ'^^P zhiyi S'ieLTTV^V*

igainfl

^he History ^Persecution. 13'

againft Epicurus^ being accufed by Zeno^ an Epi^
curean^ were boch put to Death.

The Lacedemonians conftantly expelled Foreign- Jofeph.
ers, and would ndt fuffer their own Citizens to^^^^-d56.
dwell in Foreign Parts, becaufe they imagined j^^-^^"*
that both the one and the other tended to corrupt
and weaken their own Laws ; nor would they fuf-
fer the teaching of Rhetorick or Philofophy, be-
caufe of the Quarrels and Difputes that attended it.
The Scphians. who delighted in human Blood,
and were, as Jofephus fays, little different fromjofepfi,
Beafts, yet were zealoufly tenacious of their own9-S7.
Rites, and put Anacharfts^ a very wife Perfon, to
Death, becaufe he feemed to be very fond of the
Grecian Rites and Cremonies. Herodotus fays, that^^^o^o^*
he was fhot through the Heart with an Arrow, by ^^^'^P^"^-
Sauiius their King, for facrificing to the Mother of^^^^^^J^ *
the Gods afcer the manner of the Grecians ; and
ih'MSc^les^ another of their Kings, wasdepofedby
them, for facrificing to Bacchus^ arid ufing the
Grecian Ceremonies of Religion, and his Head af-
terwards cut off by O^amaJadeSy who was chofen
King in his room. So rigid were tbey^ fays the^^*^--l5.
HKtorian, *in tnaintaining their own Cuftoins^ and fo
fevere in punijhing the Introducers of foreign Rites.
Many alfo amongft the Perfians were put to Death Jofeph. '
on the fame Account. And, indeed, 'twas ahuoft ^^i^^-
the Pra(5lice of all Nations to pun'ifh thofe who
difbelieved or derided their national Gods ; as ap-
pears from TimocleSy who, fpeaking of the Gods of
tliQ Egyptians y fays, Howfhall the Ibis ^ ortheDog^
prejerve7ne? 'And then adds, Habere is the Place ^^^^^^
that doth not immediately punifh thofe zvho behave i?n-^" ^^^'
pioujly to'U;a)ds the Gdds^ fuch as are confejjed to be
Gods ?

/o;t<^n' cV'^2«f //xwr.

SECT,

i4 "^he History of pERSECiirioN;

SECT. IIL

Egyptian Perfecutions.

Satyr. 15;. JUVENAL ^ gives us a very tragical Account
^e aifo J of fome Difputes and Quarrels about Religion
Joreph. amongft the jEgyptians^ whoentertained an eternal
7°^ */c^^'^ Hatred and Enmity againft each other, and eat

and devoured one another, becaufe they did ndc

all worfhip the faime God.

kngUlb'd Ombos and Tentyr, neighbouring Towns^ of late ^
fyjtfr.Dry- Brokt into Outrage of deepfefler^d Hate.
den, &c. Religious Spite and pious Spleen bred firfl

*This ^arrel^ which fo long the Bigots nurfl.

Each calls the others God a fenfelefs Stocky

His own^ Divine^ tho^ from the felf-fame Block.

Atfirft both Parties in Reproaches jar^

And make their Tongues the Trumpets of the War.

Words Jerve but to enflame the warlike Lifts^

Who wanting Weapons clutch their horny Fifls.

Tet thus makefhift t^ exchange fuch furious Blows ^

Scarce one efcapes with more than half a Nofe.

Some ft and their Ground with half their ^ifagegone^

put with the Remnant of a Face fight on.

Such transform' d Spectacles of Horror grow^

That not a Mother her own Son would knoWy

One Ey remaining for the other Spies ^

Which now on Earth a trampled Gell^ lies.

^ Inter finitimo* vetus atque antiqua fimukas,
Immortale odium, ec nunquam fanabilc vulnus
Ardet adhuc, Otnbos et Tentyra. Summus utrinqwj
Inde furor vu loo, quod numina vicinorum
Odit uccrque locus, cum folos credaC habeados
Effe deos quos ipfe colit.* 1 ■ m

The History i?/' PerseciItion. 15

All this religiousZeal hitherto is but mere Spore
and childifh Play, and therefore they pioufly pro-
ceed to farther Violences, Co hurling of Stones,
and throwing of Arrows, till one Party routs the
o'vher, and the Conquerors feaft themfelves on the
mangled Bodies of their divided Captives.

Tel hitherto both Parties think the Fray
But Mockery of War ^ mere Childrem Play.^

This whets their Rage^ to fe arch for Stones

An-Omh\tt IVretch (by Headlong ftr ait beirafd^
.And falling down i^th^ Rout) is Prifoner made.
Whofe Flefh torn off by Lumps the ravenous Foe
In Morfeh cut, to make it farther go.
His Bones clean picked ^ his very Bones they gnaw y
No Stomach* s baulked, hecaufe the Corps is raw.
y* had been loft Time to drefs him : Keen Defire
Supplies the IV ant of Kettle, Spit, and Fire.

Plutarch alfo relates, that in his Time fome ofDeKid. et
iht j£gyptia72s who worfliipp'd a Dog eat one of^^^* ^'
theFifhes, which others of the Egyptians adored p^.^^^^^^ ^ '
as their Deity •, and that upon this, the Fifh
Eaters laid hold On the other's Dogs, and iacrifi-
ced and eat them , and that this gave Occafion to
a bloody Battle, in which a great Number were
deflroy^d on both Sides.

SECT. IV,

Perfecutions by Antiochus Epiphanes.

ANtiochus Epiphanes, though a very wicked
Prinqe, yet was a great Zealot for his Reli-
g'on, and endeavoured to propagate it by all the
Methods of the moft bloody Perfecution. . Jofepbu sAiniq,]in\.
«tlls us, that after he had. taken Jerufakm, a*nd^->i*^'^

plun-

i6 T'he History ^/Persecution,

plundered the Temple, he caufed an Altar co be
built in it, upon which he facrificed Swine, which
were an, Abomination to the Jews^ and forbidden
by their Laws. Not content .with this, he. com-
pelied.them to forfake the Worfhip of the true
God, and to worfhip fuch as he accounted, Deifies %
building Altars and Temples to them in all thq
Towns and Streets^ and offering Swine upon them
every Day* He commanded them to forbeat: cir-
cumcifing their Children, grievoufly threatning
fuch as fhould difobey his Orders* He alfo ap*
pointed ^.^taao-Tr^^, Overfeers^ Bijhops^ to compel the
Jews to, come in^ and do as he had ordered them.
Such as rejefted it, were continually perfecuted,
and put' to Death, with the mofl grievous Tor-
tures. He ordered them to be cruelly fcourged,
and their. Bodies to be tore, and-, before they ex-
pired under their Tortures, to be crucified. The
Women, and the Children which they circumcifed^
were, by his Command,, hanged \ the Children
hanging from the Necks of their crucified Parents.
Where-ever he found any of the facred Books, or,
of the Law, he deflroy*d them, undoubtedly to
prevent the Propagation C\.{ heretical Opinions,
and punifhM with Death fuch as. kept them. The
f^9ie Author. tells us alfo; in hisj Hiftory of the
Maccabees^, that AnUochus .put forth an Ediil,
whereby he made it Death for any to obferve the
Jewijh Religion, and compelled them, by Tor-
tures, to abjure it. The inhuman Barbarities he
cxercifed upon Eleazar an3 the Mdccah'ecs^ be-
caufe they would not renounce their Religion, and
facrifice to his Grecian Gods, are not, in fon^c
Circumftances, to be paralleled by any Hiftorie$
of Perfecution extant \ and will ever render the
Natme and Memory of that illujlrious Tyrant execra-
ble and infamous. It was on the fame religiou?

Account

The History ^Persecution. 1/

Account that he banifhed the Philofophers fromAthen*
all Parts ot his Kingdom; the Charge againft^- ^^^^'^^^
them being, their corrupting the Touth^ i. e. teach-
ing them Notions of rhe Gods, different from the
common orthodox Opinions which were eftablifh-
ed by Law ; and commanded Phanias^ that fuch
Youths as converfed with them fhould be hanged*

SECT. V,

Perfecutions under the Romans.

TH E very civil Conftitution of Rome \yasJ -

founded upon perfecuting Principles. 7^r-Apdlc,2^
tuUian tells us, ' That Uwas an ancient Decree that
no Emperor Jbould c on fe crate a new God^ unlefs he was
approved by the Senate \ and one of the Handing
Laws of the Republick was to tfws EfFed, as
Cicero gives it : ^ "That no one Jljould have feparately^Q Leg.
new Godsy no nor worjhip privately foreign Gods^ un^^' ^'
lefs admitted by the Commonwealth. This Law he
endeavours to vindicate by Reafon and the Lighc
ot Nature, by adding : That for Perjons to worfhipBt Leg.
their own y or new ^ or foreign Gods ^ would be /^ ///-!• 2-. c. lo,
troduce Confufion and ftrange Ceremonies in Religion i
So true a Friend was this eminent Roman^ and
great Mafter of Reafon, to Uniformity of Wor-
ihip ; and fo little did he fee the Equity, and in-
deed Neceflity of an univerfal Toleration in Mat-
ters of Religion, Upon this Principle, after he
had rcafoncd well againft the falfe Notions of God
that had obtained amongft his Countrymen, and
tlic publickSuperilitions of Religion^ he concludes

Vetus erat dccrerum ne qui Deus ab iinpcratorc confecrarfi-
tur, nili a Senacu pfobacus.

Sc'paraiim nemo habedic deos neve nOYo^, fed ne aidvcnai^
i*ili publici; adfcicos, privatiro colunco.

C with

i8 Tbe History of Persecution.

with what was enough todeftroy the Force of all
De Divin. his Arguments : ^ ^Tis the Part of a wife Man to de^
1. z. «n. y^^^ ^^^ Cujloms of his Ancejlors^ by retaining their

facred Rites and Ceremonies, Thus narrow was the

Foundation of the Roman Religion, and thus in-
' confident the Sentiments of the wifeft Heathens

with all the Principles of Toleration and univerfal

Liberty.

And agreeable to this Settlement they con-

ftantly aded. A remarkable Inftance of which we

have in Livy^ the Roman Hiftorian : He tells us^

"That fuch a foreign Religion fpread it *felf over

the City^ that either Men or the Gods feemed in-

tirely changed , that the Roman Rites were not

*^ only for faken in private^ and within the Houfes^ but
that even publickly, in the Forum and' Capitol^
great Numbers of Women flocked together^ who
neither facHficed nor prafd to the Gods^ according
to the manner of their Anceflors.^ ^This firfi

excited the private Indignation of good Men^ till at

^ Majorum Inflituta tueri facris Cercmoniifque retinendis, fa--
pientis eft. *

^^ Tanca religio, er ea magna ex parte externa, civitatem in-
ceflit, uc aut homines, aiic Dii repente alii viderentiir fadi; nee
jam in fecreto modo atque intra parietes abolebantur Romani ri-
tus, fed in publico etiam ac foro Capicolioque mulierum turba
crat, nee facrificantium nee precantium Deos patrio more. — i
Piimo fecretae bonorum indignatibnes exaudiebantur, deinde ad
patres etiam, et ad publicam querimoniam exceffic res. Incu-
fati graviter ab Senatu -flEdiles Triumvirique capitales, quod non
prohiberent : quum emovere earn mukitudinem a foro, ac di(-
jicere apparatus facrorum conati effent, haud procul afuic quiti
violarentur. Ubi potentius jam efle id malum apparuit quam ut
minorcs per Magiftratus fedarctur, M. Atilio, prxtori urbis nego-
tium ab Senatu datum eft, ut his religionibus populum liberarec.
Is et in concione Senatus confultum recitavic, et edixit, Uc quicum-
que libros vaticinos precationefve, aut artem facrificandi con-
Icriptam haberet, eos libros omnes literafque ad fe ante Calen-
das Aprilis deferret ; neu quis in publico facrovc loco, novo aut
cxcerno ritu facrificarec*

1 f length

(C m
cc

<c
<c

The History of Persecution. 19

*« length it reached the Fathers^ and became a puhlick
** Complaint, The Senate greatly blamed the yEdiles
** and capital Triumvirs^ that they did not prohibit
them ; and when they endeavoured to drive away
the Multitude from the Forum^ and to throw down
the Things they had provided for perforfning their
*' facred Rites ^ they were like to be torn in Pieces.
«' And when the Evil grew too great to be cured by
<' inferior Magi/iratesy the Senate ordered M. Atiliu$
" the Pretor of the City^ to prevent the Peoples ufmg
*' the fe Religions,^* He accordingly publifh'd thi^
Decree of the Senate,. That whoever had any
Forttine-telling Bboks^ or Prayers, or Ceremonies about
Sacrifices written down, they Jhould bring all fuch Books
and IVritings to him, before the Calends of April ;
and that no one fmuld ufe any new or foreign Rite of
facrificing in any pubiick or facred Pldce.

Mecenas, in his Advice to Juguflus, fays to him : Apud
Perform divine Worfhip in all Things exa^ly according^^^r
to the Cufiom of your Anceflors, and compel others to do^ ^^""^^
fd alfo ; and as to thofe wh&make any Innovations in '
Religion^ hate and punifJo them ; and that not only for
the fake of the Gods, but becaufe thofe who introduce
new Deities, excite others to make Changes in Civil
Affairs. Hence Confpiracies, Seditions, and Riots y
Things very dangerous to Government, Accordingly
Suetonius, in his Life of this Prince, gives him this vit. Aucr.
Character : '' That tho^ he religioufiy obferved the^n 95.
*' ancient prefer ibed Ceremonies, yet he contemned all
*' other foreign ones •, arid com?nended Caius, for that
'' paffing by Judea, he "Would not pay his Devotions
*' ^/ Jerufalem.'' He alfo, as the fame Authoribid.c.35,
tells us", made a Law, very much refcmbling our
Teft Ad:, by which he commanded, that before

" Qlio aiitem religiofius Scnatorsa mimcra funj^erentur,

ftnxic ut priufquam conlideret quifquc, thure ac mcro flipplica-
icc apud aram ejus Dei, iu cujus tcrnplo coirec-ur.

C 2 any

2.0 The History of Persecution.

aH^ of the Senators Jhould take their Places in CounciU
they Jhould offer Frankincenfe and Wine upon the Altar
of that God in whofe temple they met. It was na
wonder therefore that Chriftianity, which was
fo perfeftly contrary to the whole Syftem of Pagan
Theology, fhould be looked upon with an evil
Eye ; or that when the Number of Chriftians en-
creafed, they fhould incur the Difpleafure of the
Civil Magiftrate, and the Cenfure of the penal
Laws that were in force againft them.

The firft publick Perfecution of them by the
Romans was begun by that Monfter of Mankind,
lSlero\ who, to clear himfelf of the Charge of
burning Rome^ endeavoured to fix the Crime on
the Chriftians \ and having thus falfly and tyran-
f)icaliy made them guilty, he put them to Death
by various Methods of exquifite Cruelty. But
though this was the Pretence for this Barbarity
towards them, yet it evidently appears from un-
doubted Teftimonies, that they were before hated
upon Account of their Religion, and were there-
fore fitter Objects to fall a Sacrifice to the Refent-
Annal. ment and Fury of the Tyrant. For "Tacitus tells us,
1 15.C.44. that tbe'j were "" hated for their Crimes. And what
Ibid. thefe were, he elfewhere fufficiently informs us.
Cap. 16. j3y calling their Religion p an execrable Superjlition.
In like manner Suetonius^ in his Life of Nero^
fpeaking of the Chriftians, fays, ^ They were a Set
of Men who had embraced a new and accurfed Super--
Annal. ftition. And therefore Tacitus farther informs us,
1 15.C.44. xhat thofe who confeffed themfelves Chriftians,
'' were condemned j not fo muck for the Crime of burning

® Per flagitia invifos.
P ExitiabilU fuperftitio.

^ Genus Hominum, fuperllitionis novae et maleficae.
' Haud perindc in crimine incendii; quam odio humam gene^
lisconvi^it

iht

The History of Persecution. 2'x

the City^ as for their being hated hy all Mankind,
So that 'tis evident from rhefe Accounts, that
'twas through popular Hatred of them for their
Religion, that they were thus facrificed to the
Malice and Fury of Nero. Many of them he
dreffed up in the Skins of wild Beafts, that they
might be devoured by Dogs. Others he crucified.
Some he cloathed in Garments of Pitch and burnt
them, that by their Flames he might fupply the
Abfence of the Day-light.

The Perfecution begun by Nero was revived,
and carried on by Domilian, who put fome to
Death, and banifh'd others upon Account of their
Religion. Eufebius mentions Flavia DomiiiUa^ E. H. 1. 5,
Neice to Flavins Clemens^ then Conful, as banifhedc 17, i^.
for this Re^fon to the Ifland Pontia. Dion thel. 67. in
fliftorian's Account of this Affair is fomewhatBoanu
different. He tells us, ^ " That Fabius Clemens
the Conful, Domitian^s Coufin, who had mar-
ried Flavia Domitilla^ a near Relation of Donii-
tian, v^as put to Death by him, and Do7?iitilla
bani0ied to Pandataria^ being both accufed of
Atheifm ; and that on the fame Account many
who had embraced the Jewijh Rites were like-
wife condemned, fome of whom were put to
Death, and others had their Eftates confifcated.*'
I think this Account can belong to no other but
the Chriilians, whom Dion feems to have con-
founded with the Jews ; a Miflake into which he
and others might naturally fall, becaufe the firft
Chriftians s^tvtjews^ and came from the Land of
Judea. The Crime with which thefe Perfons were
charged was Atheifm ; the Crime commonly im-
puted to Chriflians, becaufe they refufed to v;or-
fhip the Roman Deities. And as there are nq

C 3 Proofs,

22 The History (?/ Persecution.

Proofs, that Domilian ever perfecuted the Jews
upon account of their Religion, nor any Intima-
tion of this Nature in Jofephus, who finiflied his
Antiquities towards the latter end oi Do7mtian%
Reign ; I think the Account oi Eufehuis^ which he
declares he took from Writers, who were far from
being Friends to Chriftianity, is preferable to that
pf T>mi's, ; and that therefore thefe Perfecutionsj
by Domilian were upon account of Chriltianity,
E. H. L 5. However, they did not lafl; long ; for as Eufebius
^' -o- tells us, he put a Scop to them by an Edift in their
'Apol. c. 5- Favour, Terlullian zKo affirms the fame; and
adds, that he recalled thofe whorp he had banifhed.
So that though this is reckoned by Ecclefiaftical
Writers as the fecond Perfecution, it doth not
appear to have been general, or very fevere.
Suet, in Domilian alfo expelled all the Philofophers from

* ' Under 2>^/^;/, otherwife a mod excellent Prince,

began the third Perfecution, in the 14th Year of
his Reign. In anfwer to a Letter of Pliny he
ordered : ^ That the Chrijlians Jhould not be fought
after J but that if they were accufed and convi5ied of
being Chrijlians they Jhould be piinijhed ; fuch only ex-
cepted as Jhould deny themselves to be Chriflians^ and
give an evident Proof of it by "uoorjhipping his Gods.
Thefe were to receive Pardon upon this their Re-
pentance, how much foever they might have been
fufpefted before. From this imperial Refcript it
is abundantly evident, that this Perfecution of the
Chriftians by Trajan was purely on the Score of
their Religion, becaufe he orders, that whofoever

* ConouireiTli non funt. Si defcrantur et arguantur punicn-*
di fiint ; ita tamcn uc qui lu^gaveric fe Chriftiaaum efl'e, idque
reipfa manifcflum fcceric, id t\i fupplicando Diis noftiis, quam-
yis fufpedus in praetcritum fuir, vcniam ex pacniceiitia iav
pctrec,

was

The History of Persecution. 23

was accufed and convidled of being a Chriftian
ihould be punifhed with Death, unlefs he re-
nounced his Profeflion, and facrificed to the Gods.
AH that was required, " fays Tertullian^ was merel'j Apol. cz.
to confefs the Name^ without any Cognizance being
taken of any Crime, Pliny himfclf, in his Letter to
the Emperor, acquits them of every Thing of
this Nature, and tells him : ^ That all they acknow--
ledged was^ that their whole Crime or Error confejled
in thisy that at Jiated Times they were ufed to meet
before Day* lights and to fing an Hymn to Chrifl as God y
and that they hound themfelves by an Oath not to commit
any fVickednejSy fuch as Thefts^ RoMeries, Adulteries^ •-
and the like. And to be affured of the Truth of
this, he put two Maids to the Torture, and after
examining them, found them guilty of nothing but
a wicked and unreafonable Stiperflition, This is the
nobleft Vindication of the Purity and Innocency
of the Chriftian AiTemblies, and abundantly jufti-
fies the Account of Eufebius from Hegefippus :e.UA,i:
^ "That the Church continued until thefe "Times as a Firgin c. ^2.
pure and uncorrupted ; and proves beyond all Con-
tradition, that the Perfecution raifed againft them
was purely on a religious Account, and not for any
Immoralities and Crimes againfl the Laws, that
could be proved againft the Chriftians ; though
their Enemies flandered them with the vileft, and
hereby endeavoured to render them hateful to the
whole World. PVhy^ fays Tertullian, doth a Chri/lian AdSc^^wl

" Illyd folum expedatur Gonfeffio nominis, non. exanuna-

tio criminis.

^ Adfirmabant autem hanc fuifTe fummam vel culpae fuae, vel
erroris, quod eflent foliti ftato die ante lucera convenire, car-
menque Chriflo, quafi Deo, dicere, flcum invicem ; feqiie fa-
cramento, non in fcelus aliquod aftringere, fed ne furta, ne ia-
trocinia, no adukeria commicccrent.

C 4 fujfer.

^ \the History ^Persecution.

fuffer^ hut for being of their ISnmher? Hath anyone
proved Inceji^ or Cruelty upon us, during this long
fpace of Time ? No ; Uis for our Innocence^ Probity,
jufiice, Chaftitys Faith, Veracity, and for the living
God that we are burnt alive. Pliny was forced to"
acquit them from every Thing but an unreafonable
Superjlition, i. e. their refolute Adherence to the
Faith of Chrift. And yet though Innocent in all
other Refpefts, when they were brought before his
^Tribunal, he treated them in this unrighteous
Manner : He only allied them, Whether they
were Chriftians? If they confeffed it, he afked
them the fame Queftion again and again, adding
Threatnings to his Queftions. If they perfevered
in their Confefllon he condemned them to Death,
becaufe whatever their Confefllon might be, he
was very furc, that their Stubhornnefs and inflexible
Objiinacy deferved Punijbment. So that without
being convifted of any Crime, but that of Con-
ftancy in their Religion, this equitable Heathen,
this rational Philofopher, this righteous Judge,
condemns them to a cruel Death. And for this
Conduct the Emperor, his Matter, commends
him. For in anfwer to Pliny^s Queftion, Whether
he fhould go en to punijh the JSame it felf, though
chargeable with no Crimes, or' the Crimes only which
attended the Name? Trajan in his Refcripr, after
commending Pliny, orders, That if they were accufed
and convt^ed of being Chriftians they fhould be put to
Death, unlefs they renounced that Naine, and facri-
ficed to his Gods. Tertullian and Athenagoras, in
fheir Apologies, very juftly inveigh with great
Warmth againrt this Imperial Refcript ; and in?
c3eed, a more fhamefxil Piece of Iniquity was never
pradtifed in the darkeft Times of Popery. I hope
alfo my Reader will obfcrve, that this was Lay-
Ferfecution, and owed its Rife to the religious Zeal

ll'he History of Persecution. 25

of one of the beft of the Roman Emperors, and not
only to the Contrivances of cruel and defigning
Priefts ; that it was juftified and carried on by a very
famous and learned Philofopher, whofe Reafon
taught him, that what he accounted Superftition,
if incurable, was to be punifhed with Death ; and
that it was managed with great Fury and Barba-
ricy. Multitudes of Perfons in the feveral Pro-
vinces being deftroyed merely on account of the
Chriftian Name, by various and exquifite Methods
of Cruelty.

The Refcript of Adrian his Succeflbr to Minutius
Fundamis^ Pro-Conful of Jfia^ feems to have fome-
what abated the Fury of this Perfecution, though
not wholly to have put an End to it. Teriullian Ad Scap^
tells us, that Arrius Antoninus^ afterwards Em-
peror, then Pro-Conful of Afta^ when the Chri-
ftians came in a Body before his Tribunal, ordered
fomie of them to be put to Death •, and faid to
others: ^ Ton Wretches! If 'jou will die ye have
Precipices and Halters. He alio fays, That feveral
other Governors of Provinces punilTied fome few
Chriftians, and difmifled the reft v fo that the Per-
fecution was not fo general, nor fevere as under
Trajan.

Under Antoninus Pius the Chriftians were very
cruelly treated in fome of the Provinces o^ Afta^
which occafioned Jujiin Martyr to write his lirft
Apology. It doth not however appear to have
been done, either by the Order or Confent of this
Emperor. On the contrary, he wrote Letters to
the Cities of Afta^ and particularly to thofe of
Larijfa^ Thejfalonica^ Athens^^ and all the Greeks^
That they fhould create no new Troubles to them.
^Tis probable, that the Afiatick Cities perfecuted

tu(;m

::?-6 Ihe History e?/ Persecution.

them by virtue of feme former imperial Edi6lss^,
which don't appear ever to have been recalled ; and,
perhaps, with the Connivance of Antoninus Philo-
fophus^ the Collegue and SuccefTor of Pius in the
Empire.

Under him began, as \is generally accounted,
the fourth Perfecution, upon which JuJUn Martyr
wrote his fecond Apology, Meliton his, and Athe-
vagoras his Legation or Embajfy for the Chriftians,
'^*^»^' 4^ Meliton^ as Eufebius relates it, complains of it ats,
^* ^^' an almoft unheard of "Things that pious Men were nom^
ferjecuted^ and greatly diftrejfed by new Decrees through-
out Afia \ that mojl impudent Informers^ who were
greedy of other Perfons Subfiance^ took Occafion from
the imperial Edicts ^ to plunder others who were intirely
innocent. After this he humbly befeeches the Em-
peror, that he would not fuffer the Chriftians to
be any longer ufed in fo cruel and unrighteous a
Apol. i^MVIanner. Jujlin Martyr, in the Account he gives
^4^*^^^^'0f the Martyrdom of Ptolemtsus, affures us, that
^^ ' the only Queftion afked him was. Whether he was'
a Chrijlian ? And upon his confefllng that he was,
he was immediately ordered to the Slaughter.
Lucius was alfo put to Death for making the fame
Confeflion, and afl^ing Urbicus the Prefeft, why
he condemned Ptolemy^ who was neither convided
of Adultery, Rape, Murther, Theft, Robbery,
nor of any other Crime, but only for owning him-
felf to be a Chriftian. From thefe Accounts 'tis
abundantly evident, that it was ftill the very Name
of a Chrillian that was made capital ; and that
thefe Cruelties were committed by an Emperor
who was a great Mafter of Reafon and Philofophy y
not as Punifhments upon Offenders againft the
Laws and publick Peace, but purely for the Sake
of Religion and Confcience ; committed, to main-
tain and propagate Idolatry^ which is contrary ta

all

7'he History ^Persecution, ^7

all the Principles of Realbn and Philofophy, and
upon Perlbns of great Integrity and Virtue in
Heart and Life, for their Adherence to the Wor-
fliip of One God, which is the Foundation of all
true Religion, and one of the plaineft and moll
important Articles of it. The Tortures which ths
Perfecutors of the Chriflians applied, and the Cru-
elties they exercifed on them, enough, one would
think, to have overcome the firmeft human Refo-
Jution and Patience, could never extort from them
a ConfefTion of that Guilt their Enemies would
gladly have fixed on them. And yet Innocent as
they were in all Refpefts, they were treated with
the utmoft Indignity, and deftroy'd by fuch Inven-
tions of Cruelty, as were abhorrent to all the Prin-
ciples of Humanity and Goodnefs. They were,
indeed, accufed of Atheifm^ i, e. for not believing
in, and worfhipping the fidlitious Gods of the
Heathens. This was the Cry of the Multitude
againft Polycarp: This is the Doctor of Afia, /^<?Eufeb.
Father of the Christians ^ the Subverter of our Godsy^'^-^'^'
who teaches many that they mtifi not -perform the facred^* ^^*
Rites ^ nor worfhip our Deities,. This was the Reafon
of the tumultuous Cry againft him, A/fs t»? a95»^/
Away with thefe Atheijis. But would not one have
imagined that Reafon and Philofophy Ihould have
informed the Emperor, that this kind of Atheifm
was a real Virtue, and deferved to be encouraged
and propagated amongft Mankind ? No : Reafon
and Philofophy here failed him, and his blind At-
tachment to his Country Gods caufed him to fhed
much innocent Blood, and to become the Deftroyer
of the Saints of the living God. At laft, indeed, the Id. i. 4,
Emperor feems to have been feniible of the great ^* ^ ^
Injuftice of this Perfecution, and by an Edift or-
dered they (hould be no longer punifhed for being
^hriftians,

2g ^he History of Persecution.

I fhall not trouble my Reader with an Account
of this Perfecution as carried on by Severus^ Decius,
Callus^ FalerianuSy Diocleftan^ and others of the
Roman Emperors •, but only obferve in general,
that the moft exceflive and outragious Barbarities
were made ufe of upon all who would not blaf-
pheme Chrift, and oflfer Incenfe to the imperial
Gods: They were publickly whipped; drawn by
the Heels through the Streets of Cities ; racked
till every Bone of their Bodies was disjointed •, had
their Teeth beat out; their Nofes, Hands and
Ears cut off; fharp-pointcd Spears ran under their
Nails ; were tortured with melted Lead thrown on
their naked Bodies ; had their Eyes dug out ;
theirLimbscutoff; were condemned to the Mines;
ground between Stones ; ftoned to Death ; burnt;
alive; thrown Headlong from high Buildings;
beheaded ; fmothered in burning Lime-Kilns ; ran
through the Body with Iharp Spears ; deftroyecj
with Hunger, Thirft, and Cold ; thrown to the
wild Beads ; broiled on Gridirons with flow Fires ;
call: by Heaps into the Sea ; crucified ; fcraped to
Death with fiiarp Shells ; torn in Pieces by the
Boughs of Trees ; and, in a Word, deilroy'd by
all the various Methods that the moft diabolical
Subtlety and Malice could devife.

It muft indeed be confeffed, that under the latter
Emperors who perfecuted the Chriftians, the Sinir
plicity and Purity of the Chriftian Religion were
greatly corrupted, and that Ambition, fride and
Luxury, had too generally prevailed both amcngft
Fpifl. xi. the Paftors and People. C)priany who lived under
Ed. Fell, the Decian Perfecution, writing concerning it to
the Prefby ters and Deacons, fays : // muji be owned
and confejjed^ that this outragious and heavy Calamitjy
which hath almojl devoured our Flock, and continues to
devour it to this Day, hath hapned to us becaufe of our

Sins.

The History ^Persecution. 29

Sins J ft nee we keep not the Way of the Lord^ nor oh*
Jerve his heavenly Commands given to us for our Sal-
vation. Though our Lord did the Will of his Father^
yet we do not the Will of the Lord. Our principal
Study is to get Mone^ and Eflates ; we follow after
Pride ; we are at Leifure for nothing but Emulation
and barrelling ; and have negle£led the Simplicity of
the Faith. We have renounced this World in Words
only^ and not . in Deed. Every one flu dies to pleafe
himfelf., and to difpleafe others. After Cyprian^ Eu- E. H, 1, 8.
febius the Hiftorian gives a fad Account of the De- ^' ^'
generacy of Chriftians about the Time of the Dio-
clefian Perfecution : He tells us, That through too
much Liberty they grew negligent and (lothfuU envying
and reproaching one another ; waging^ as it were^
civil Wars between themfelves^ Bijhops quarrelling
with Bijhops^ and the People divided into Parties :
That Hypocrify and Deceit were grown to the highejl
fitch of Wickednefs ; that they were become fo infen-
fible^ as not fo much as to think of appeafing the Divine
Anger., but that^ like Aiheifis^ they thought the World
defiituie of any providential Government and Care^ and
thus added one Crime to another 5 that the Bijhops them-
felves had thrown off all Care of Religion^ were per-
petually contending with one another^ and did nothing
but quarrel with^ and threaten^ and envy^ and hate
one another ; were full of Ambition^ and tyrannically
ufed their Power. This was the deplorable State
of the Chriftian Church, which God, as Eufebius
well obferves, firlt punifhed with a gentle Hand 5
but when they grew hardened and incurable in their
Vices, he was pleafed to let in the moft grievous
Perfecution upon them, under Dioclefian^ which
exceeded in Severity and Length all that had been
before.

From thefe Accounts li evidently appears, that
the Chriftian World alone is not chargeable with

the

30 ^he History (^Persecution,

the Guilt of Perfccution on the Score of Religion,
^Twas pradifed long before Chriftianity was in
being, and firft caught the Chriftians by the per-
fecuting Heathens. The moft eminent Philo-
fophers efpoufed and vindicated perfecuting Prin-
ciples •, and Emperors, otherwife excellent and
good, made no fcruple of deftroying Multitudes
on a religious Account, fuch as Trajan^ and Aure-
lius Verus. And I think I may farther add, that
the Method of propagating Religion by Cruelty
and Death, owes its Invention to L^v Policy and
Craft ; and that how fervilely foever the Prieithood
hath thought fit to imitate rhem, yet that they
have never exceeded them in Rigour and Severity.
I can trace out the Footfleps but of very few Priefts
in the foregoing Accounts ; nor have I ever heard
of more exceffive Cruelties than thofe praftifed by
Anttochus^ the Egyptian Heretick Eaters, and the
Rotnan Emperors. I may farther add on this
important Article, that *tis the Laity who have
put it into the Power of the Priefts to perfecute,
and rendered it worth their while to do it ; they
have done it by the Authority of the civil Laws, ai^
^ell as employed Lay-Hands to execute the Drud-
gery of it. The Emoluments of Honours and
Riches that have been annexed to the favourite
Religion and Priefthood is the Efiablifhment of
civil Society, whereby Religion hath been made
extremely profitable, and the Gains of Godlinefs
worth contending for. Had the Laity been more
fparing in their Grants, and their civil Conflitu-
lions formed upon the generotis and equitable Prin-
ciple of an univerfal Toleration, Peffecution had
never been heard of amongft Men. The Priefts
would have wanted not only the Flower, but the
Inclination to perfecute •, fince few Perfons have
fuch an Attachment eitkcr to what ihey accduni:

Religion

"The History ^Persecution. 31

Religion or Truthj as to torment and deftroy
others for the flike of ir, unlefs tempted with the
Views of worldly Ambition, Power and Grandure.
Thefe Views will. have the fame Influence upon all
bad Minds, whether of the Priefthood or Laicy,
who, when they are determined at all Hazards to
purfue them, will ufe all Methods, right or wrong,
to accomplifh and fecure them.

As therefore the Truth of Hiflory obliges me
to compliment the Laity with the Honour of this
excellent Invention, for the Support and Propa-
gation of Religion ; and as its Continuance in the
World to this Day is owing to the Proteftion and
Authority of their Lav/s, and to certain political
Ends and Purpofes they have to ferve thereby,
the loading the Prieflhood only, or principally,
with the Infamy and Guilt of it, is a mean and
groundlefs Scandal ; artd to be perpetually objeft-
ing the Cruelties that have been praftifed by fomc
who have called themfelves Chriflians, on others
for Confcience-fake, as an Argument againft the
Excellency of the Chriflian Religion, or with a
View to prejudice others againfl it, is an Artifice
unworthy a Perfon of common Underflanding and
Honefty. Let all equally fhare the Guilt, who
are equally chargeable with it ; and let Principles
be judged of by what they are in themfelves, and
hot by the Abufes which bad Men may make of
them : If any Argument can be drawn from thefe,
we may as well argue againft the Truth and Ex-
fcellency of Philofophy, becaufe Cicero efpoufed
the Principles of Perlecution, znd Ariloninus the
Philofopher authorized all the Cruelties attending
it. But the Queftion in thefe Cafes is nor, what
one who calls himfelf a Philofopher or a Chriftian
doth, but what true Philofophy and genuine Chri-

ftianiiy

32 ^he History ^ Persecutiokt,

ftianity lead to and teach ; and if Perfecucion be
the natural EfFed: of either of them, ' 'tis neither
in my Inclination or Intention to defend them.

SECT. VI.

Perfecutions hy the Mahometans.

T may be thought needlefs to bring the Ma-
hometans into this Reckoning, it being well
known that their avowed Method of propagating
Religion is by the Sword ; and that it was a Maxim
of Mahomet^ Not to fuffer two Religions to be in
Arabia. But this is not all ; as they are Enemies
to all other Religions but their own, fo they are
againft Toleration of Hereticks amongft them-
felves, and have oftentimes punillied them with
Death. Hettinger gives us an Account of a famous
Difpute amongft them concerning the Coran^
whether it was the created or uncreated Word of God ?
Many of their Califfs were of opinion that it wa^
created, and iflued their Orders that the Mujjelmen
fliould be compelled to believe it. And as for
thofe who denied it, many were whipped ; others
put in Chains-, and others murthered. Many aifo
were flain, for not praying in a right Poflure to-

Vag. 366. wards the Temple at Mecca. The fame Author
farther tells us, that there are fome Hereticks,-
who whenever they are found, are burnt to Death*

Ibid. The Enmity between the Perfians and Turks ^ upon
account of their religious Difference, is irrecon-
cileable and mortal j io that they would each of
them rather tolerate a Chriflian than one another.
But I pafs from thefe Things to the Hiftory of
Chriftian Perfecutions.

BOOK

The History of Persecution. 33

B O OK IL

Of the Perfecutions under the Chriji'um

Emperors.

IF any Perfon v/as to judge of the Nature and
Spine of the Chriftian Religion, by the Spirit
and Condud only of too many who have pro^-
fefled to believe it in all Nations, and almoft
throughout all Ages of the Chriftian Church,
he could fcarce fail to cenfure it as .an Inftitution
unworthy the God of Order and Peace, fubverfive
of the Welflire and Happinefs of Societies, and
defigned to enrich and aggrandize a Few only, ac
the Expence of the Liberty, Reafon, Confciences,
Subftance, and Lives of others. For what Con-
fufions and Calamities, vvhat Ruins and Defolations,
what Rapines and Murthers, have been introduced
into the World, under the pretended Authority of
Jefus Chrift, and fupporting and propagating
Chriftianify? What is the beft part of our Ec-
clefiaftical Hiftory better than an Hiftory of the
Pride and Ambition, the Avarice ahd Tyranny,
the Treachery and Cruelty of fome, and of the
Perfecutions and dreadful Miferies of others ? And
what could an unprejudiced Perfon, acquainted
with this melancholy Truth, and who had never
feen the facred Records, nor informed himfelf
from thence of the genuine Nature of Chriftianity,
think, but that it was one of the worft Religions
in the World, as tending to deftroy all the nacural
Sentiments of Humanity and CompafTion, and in-
fpiring its Votaries with that IVifdom zvhicb is from
beneath^ and which is earthly y fenfual and devilip:) ?
\i this Charge could be juftly fixed upon the Reli-
< ■ ' . D gion

34 ^^^ History of Persecutiqn.

gion of Chrift, it would be unworthy the Regard
of every wife and good Man, and render it borh
the Intereft and Duty of every Nation in the World
to rtjeft it.

SECT. I.

Of the Difpute concerning Eaftcr.

IT muft be allowed by all who know any thing
of the Progrefs of the Chriftian Religion, that
the firO: Preachers and Propagators of it ufed none
of the vile Methods of Perfecution and Cruelty to
fupport and fpread it. Both their Doflrines and
Lives defcroy every Sufpicion of this Nature ; and
yet in their Times the Beginnings of this Spirit ap-
peared : Dioirephes loved the Preheminence^ and
therefore would not own and receive tlm infpired-
Apoftle. We alfo read, that there were great Di-
vifions and Schifms in the Church of Cormth^ and
that many grievous Diforders were caufed therein,
by their ranking themfelves under different Leaders
and Heads of Parties, one being for Paul^ another
for ApolloSy and others for Cephas. Thefe Ani-
mofuies were difficultly healed by the Apoflolick
Authority ; but do not however appear to have
broken out into mutual Hatreds, to the open Dif-
grace of the Chriftian Name and Profefiion.
The Primitive Chriftians feem for many Years
generally to have maintained the warmefl Affeftion
for each other, and to have diftinguilhed them-
felves by their mutual Love, the great Charafte-
riflick of the Difciples of Chrift. The Gofpels,
and the Epiftles of the Apoftles, all breathe with
this amiable Spirit, and abound with Exhor-
tations to cultivate this God- like Difpofuion.

'Tis

^he History ^Persecution. 2>5

^Trs reported of St. Johny that in his extreme oldHieron. ia
Age 3Lt Ephejh^ being carried into the Church by^*^' c. 6.
the Difciples, upon account of his great Weaknefs,
he ufed to fay nothing elfe every Time he was
brought there, but this remarkable Sentence,
FilioH diligite alterulnim^ Little Children love one
another. And when fome of the Brethren were
tired with hearing fo often the fame Thing, and
jifked him. Sir, Why do you always repeat chis
Sentence ? he anfwered, with a Spirit Worthy an
Apoftle, ^ia preceptu?n Domini eft^ et ft folum fiat^
[ufficit ; ^Tis the Co?nmand of the Lord, and the fuU
filing of the Law. Precepts of this kind fo fre-
quently inculcated, could not but have a very good
influence in keeping alive the Spirit cf Charity and
mutual Love. And indeed the Primitive Chriftians
^txt fo very remarkable for this Temper, that
they were taken notice of on this very Account,
and recommended even by their Enemies as Pat-
terns of Beneficence and Kindnefs.

But at length, in the fecond Century, the Spirit
of Pride and Domination appeared publickly, and
created great Difbrders and Schifms amongfl Chri-
ftians. There had been a Controverfy of fame
ftanding, on what Day Eajter fhould be celebrated.
The Afiatick Churches thought that it ought to be
kept on the fame Day on which \.\i^Jews held the
PafTover, the fourteenth Day of Hifan their firft
Month, on wharfoever Day of the Week it fhould
fall out. The Cuftom of other Churches was
different, who kept the Feftival of Eajler only ori
that Lord's Day which was next after the fourteentfi
of the Moon. This Controverfy appears at firft
View to be of no manner of Importance, as there
is no Command in the facred Writings to keep this
Feftival at ^l), much lefs fpecifying the par-
ticular Day on which it fliould be celebrated.

D z Eujebius

36 The History of Persecutioi^.

Eufeb.^.^. Eufehius tdls us ftom Irencsus^ that Poljcnrp Bidiop
'• ^4* o{ Smyrna came ro Ahicetus BiOiop of Rome on ac-
coun^t of this very Controverfy \ and that though
they differed from one another in this and fome
other leiTcr Things, yet they embraced one ano-
ther with a Kifs of Peace; Pclycarp neither per-
fuading Anicetus to conform to his Curtom, nor
Anicetus breaking off Communion with Polycarp^
for not complying with his. This was a Spirit and
Condu6l worthy thefe Chriftian Bifhops : But
Ff^^r the Roman Prelate afted a more haughty
and violent part; for after he had received the
Letters of the Afiatick Bifliops, giving their Rea-
fons for their own Pradice, he immediately ex-
communicated all the Churches of Afta^ and thofe
of the neighbouring Provinces, for Heterodoxy ;
and by his Letters declared all the Brethren un-
worthy of Communion. This Condu£l was greatly
difpleafing to fome other of the Bifhops, who^ex-
horted him to mind the Things that made for"
Peace, Unity, and Chriftian Love. Irenceus efpe-
cially, in the Name of all his Brethren, the Bifhops
of France^ blamed him for thus cenfuring whole
Churches of Chrift, and puts him in mind of the
peaceable Spirit of feveral of his Predeceffors, who
did not break off Communion with their Brethren
upon account of fuch leffer Differences as rhefe.
Indeed this Aftion of Pope Viuior was a very in-
folent Abufe of Excommunication ; and is an
abundant Proof that the Simplicity of the Chriftian
Faith was greatly departed from ; in that Hetero-
doxy and Orthodoxy were made to depend on
Conformity or Non-Conformity to the Modes and
^ Circumftances of certain Things, when there was
no Shadow of any Order for the Things themfelves
in the facred Writings ; and that the Luft of Power,
and the Spirit of Pride, had too much pofTefTed

fame

The History of Persecution. 37

fome of the Bilhops of the Chriftian ChufcH;
The fame Vi^or alio excommunicated one "JZ?^^- Eufeb. I.5,
(iofius^ for bt^ing unfound in the Dodrine of the'^ ^^'*
Trinity.

However, it mud be owhed, in Juflice to fome
of the Primitive Fathers, that they were noc of
/''^/^i:?r's violent and perfecating Spirit. ^ertuUian^
who flourjfhed under Severus^ in his Book to
Scapula^ tells us, Every one hath a natural Right to
worfhip according to his own Perjuafion •, for ho Man's
Religion can be hurtful fir profitable to bis Neigjobour ;
nor can it be a part of Religion to co?npel Men to Re-
ligion^ which ought to be voluntarily embraced,^ and
not thro* Conjlraint, Cyprian alfo agrees with T^r-
/^///^;; his Mafter. In his Letter to Maximus iht^^^V^^- '^'\'
Prefbyter he fays, ''//; the file Prerogative of the^"^*^^^'"'
Lordy to whom the iron Rod is committed^ to break the-
earthen Vejfels. The Servant cannot be greater than
his Lord ; nor Jhould any one arrogate to bimfelf what'
the Father hath committed to the Son only^ viz. to
winnow and purge the Floor ^ and fcparate by ■ any
human Judgment the Chaff from the Wheat, ^hls is'
proud Obftinacy and facrilegious Prefumption^ ' and
proceeds from wicked Madnefs. And whil/i fome are
always ajfuining to themfelves more Dominion than is
confiflent with Juflice^ they perifJo from the Church-^
and whilfl they infolently extol themfelves^ they lofe the'
Light of Truths being blinded by their own Haughlinefs. •
To chefe I fliall add LaElafitiiis^ tho' forty Years
later than Cyprian, They are convinced^ fays he. Lib. ^,
that there is ?iothing 7?iore excellent than Religion^ and^* 2.0.
therefore thi?ik that it ought to be defended with Force.
But they are ?nijlaken^ both in the Nature -of Religion,
and in the proper Methods to fupport it : For Religion
n to be defended^ not by Murther, but Pcrfuafton ;
not by Cruelty, but Patience ; not by Wickedncf, but
Faith:* Thoje are the Methods of bad Mcn\ thcfe

D 3 of

38 The History of Persecution.

of good. If you attempt to defend Religion by Bloody
and Torments^ and Evil^ this is not to defend^ but tQ
violate and pollute it : For there is nothing fhould be
more frie than the Choice of our Religion \ in zvhichy
if the Confent of the Worfhifper he wanting^ it becomes
intirely void and ineffe^uaL 7he true Way therefore
of defending Religion is by Faith^ a patient fuffering
and dying for it : This renders it acceptable to Godj
and Jtrengthens its Authority and Influence, This
was the Perfuafion of fome of the Primitive.
Fathers : But of how different a Spirit were
others ?

As the Primitive Chriftians had any Intervals
from Perfecution they became more profligate in
their Morals, and more quarrelfome in their Tem-
pers. As the Revenues of the feveral Bifhops
increafed they grew more ambitious, \ti^ capable
of Contradidtion, more haughty and arrogant in
their Behaviour, more envious and revengeful in
every part of their Conduft, and more regardlefs
of the Simplicity and Gravity of their Profeffion
and Charafter. The Accounts I have before
given of them from Cyprian and Eufebius before
the Diode/tan Perfecution, to which I might add
Epift. n- the latter one of SLjerom^ are very melancholy
and affefting, and fhew how vaftly they were de-
generated from the Piety and peaceable Spirit of
many of their Predeceffors, and how ready they
were to enter into the worlt Meafures of Perfe-
cution, could they but have got the Opportunity
and Power,

SECT,

%| ^V'

The History ^^Persecution. 39

SECT. 11.

Of theyerfecutions begun hy Conftantine,

UNDER Conflantine the Emperor, when the
Chriftians were reftored to fullLiberry, their
Churches rebuilt, and the imperial Edicts every
where publiflied in their Favour, they imme-
diately began to difcover what Spirit they were of;
as foon as ever they had the Temptacions of Ho-
nour and large Revenues before them. Conflan-
tine^^ Letters are full Proof of the Jealoufies and
Animofitits that reigned amongft them. In hisE. H. I.io.
Letters to Miltiades Bifliop of Ro7?ie he tells him,c. S»
that he had been informed that Ccecilianus Bifl-jop of
Carthage had been accufed of many Crimes by fome
of his Collegues, Bifibops of Africa ; and that it
was very grievous to him to fee fo great a Number
of People divided into Parties, and the Bifhops
difagreeing amongft themfelves. And though the Ibid.
Emperor was willing to reconcile them by a
friendly Reference of the Controverfy to Miltiades
and others, yet in fpite of all his Endeavours they
maintained their Quarrels, and faftious Oppo-
fition to each other, and through fecret Grudges
and Hatred would not acquiefce in the Sentence of
thofe he had appointed to determine the Affair.
So that, as he complained to Chreflus Bifhop of
Syracufe^ thofe who ought to have maintained a
brotherly AfFedioo and peaceable Difpofition fo-
rwards each other, did in a fcandalous and deteflible
Manner feparate from one another, and gave Oc-
cafion to the common Enemies of Chriftianity to
deride and fcofF at them. For this Realbn he
fummoned a Council to meet at Aries in France^
that after an impartial Hearing of the fevcral Par-

P 4 ties.

4P Ti6^ History i?/ Persecution.

ties, this Controverfy which had been carried on
for a long while in a very intemperate Manner,
might be brought to a Friendly and Chriilian
De Vir. Compromife. Eujehius farther adds, that he not
Con. 1. 1. Qj^jy called together Councils in the feveral Pro-
^*'?'^* yinces upon account of the Quarrels that arofq
amongft the Bifhops, but that he himfelf was
prefent in them, and did all he could to promote
peace amon.Q;Pc them. However, all he could do
b^d but little Effect ; and it mud be owned that
he himfelf greatly contributed to prevent it, by
his large Endowment of Churches, by the Riches
^nd Honours which he conferred on the Billiops,
and efpecially by his authori:^ing them to fit as
Judges upon the Confciences and Faith of others •,
by which he confirmed them in a worldly Spirit,
the Spirit of Domination, Ambition, Pride and
Avarice, which hath in all Ages proved fatal tq
the Peace and true Intereft of the Chriftian
Church.
E-H. i.io. In the firft Edi6l, given us at large by Eiijehm^
^•5* publifhed in favour of the Chriftians, he acted the
part of a wife, good, and impartial Governor ;
in which, without mentioning any particular Seds,
he gave full liberty to all Chriftians, ^ and to all
other Perfons whatfocver, of following that Re-
ligion which they thought beft. But this Liberty
wasi of no long Duration, and foon abridged in
reference both to the Chriftians and Heathens.
For although in this firft mentioned Edidl he orders
the Churches and Effefts of the Chriftians in ge-
neral to be reftored to them, yet in one imme-
diately following he confines this Grant to the
Cacholick Church. After this, in a Letter to

v^'ipjv €r/r, o'Ts^C'Ji z^y.^tctv g;c«tr©~ £;^>i t» cim^c-i^K^ )y THUiheiV
dwoioy S'cci; Q^K'Picu '^cioyo .... .

Miltiach

37?^ History (j/' Persecution. 41

Miltiades Bifliop of Rome^ complaining of the Diffe-
rences fomented by the African Bilhops, he lets
him know, that he had fo great a Reverence for
the CathoHck Church, that he would not have
him fuiTer in any Place any Schifni or Difference
whaifoever. In anoiher to Ccecilianus Blfhop ofE.H. !,iq,
Carthage^ after giving him to underftand, that he*^*^-
had ordered Urfus to pay his Reverence three thou-
fand Pieces, and Heraclides to difburfe to him
whatever other Sums his Reverence Ihould hav^
occafion for j he orders him tq complain of all
Perfons who fhould go on to corrupt the People
of the moft holy Catholick Church by any evil
and falfe Dc6trine, to Anulinus the Pro-Coniui,
and Patricius^ to whom he had given Inltrudions
on tnis Affair, that if they perfevered in fuch Mad-
^icfs they might be puniflied according to his Or-
ders, 'Tis eafy to guefs what the Catholick Faith
i^nd Church meant, viz. that which was approved
by the Bifhops, who had the greateft Interefl in
his Favour.

As U) the Heathens, foon after the Settlement De vie
of the whole Empire under his Government, heConft. 1.2.
fent into all the Provinces Chriftian Prefidents,^''^'^*
forbidding them*, and all other Officers of fuperior
Dignity, to facrifice, and confining to fuch of
them as were Chriflians the Honours due to their
Characters and Stations ; hereby endeavouring to
fupport the Kingdom of Chrifl, which is not of
this World, by Motives purely worldly, viz. the
IVofpefts of temporal Preferments and Honours ;
and notwithftanding the excellent Law he had be-
fore publilhed, That every one fhould have free
Exercife of his own Religion, and worfhip fuch
Gocis as they thought proper, he foon after pro-
hibited the old Religion, viz. the Worfhip ofibij.c.45.
I(4oJ9 in Citie? and Countxy 5 commanding that no

Statues

42 The History ^ I^ersecution.

Statues of the Gods fhould be erefted, nor any
Sacrifices offered iipoa their Altars. And yet not-
withftanding this Abridgment of the Liberty of
Religion, he declares in his Letters afterwards,
written to all the feveral Governors of his Pro-
Ibid.c.56.vinces, that though he wifhcd the Ceremonies of
the Temples, and the Power of Darknefs were
wholly removed, he would force none, but that
every one fliould have the Liberty of afting in
Religion as he pleafed.

*Tis not to be wonder'd at, that the Perfons
who advifed thefe Edids to fupprefs the ancient
Religion of the Heathens, fliould be againft tole-
rating any other amongft themfelves, who Ihould
prefume to differ from them in any Articles of the
Chriftian Religion they had efpoufed ; becaufe if
erroneous and falfe Opinions in Religion, as fuch,
are to be prohibited or punifhed by the Civil
Power, there is equal Reafon for perfecuting a
Chriflian, whofe Belief is wrong, and whofe
Praftice is erroneous, as for perfecuting Perfons
of any other falfe Religion whatfoever 5 and the
fame Temper and Principles that lead to the latter,
will alfo lead to and juftify the former. And as
the Civil Magiftrate, under the Direction of his
Priefts, mufl always judge for himfelf what is
Truth and Error in Religion, his Laws for fup-
porting the one, and punifhing the other, mufl
always be in Confequence of this Judgment. And
therefore if Conftantine and his Bifhops were right
in prohibiting Heathenifm by Civil Laws, becaufe
they believed it erroneous and falfe, Dioclefian and
Licinius^ and their Priefls, were equally right irj.
prohibiting Chriftianity by Civil Laws, becaufe
they believed it not only erroneous and falfe, but
the highefl Impiety and Blafphcmy againfl their
Gods, and even a Proof of Atheifm it felf. And

Jhe History of Persecution. 4,3

by the fame Rule every Chriftiaa, chat hath
Power, is in the right to perfecuce }iis Chriftian
Brother, whenever he beiieves him to be in the
wrong. And in truth, they feem generally to
have adted upon this Principle; for which Party
foever of them could get uppermofl: was againft
all Toleration and Liberry for thofe who differed
from them, and endeavoured by all Methods to
opprefs and deftroy them.

The Sentiments of the Primitive Chriftians, at
leaft for near three Centuries, in reference to the
Deity of our Lord Jefus Chrift, were, generally
fpeaking, pretty Uniterm ; nor do there appear
to have been any publick Quarrels about this Ar-
ticle of the Chriftian Faith. Some few Perfons Euflb.
indeed, differed from the commonly received ^'^- '• 5*
Opinion. One Theodotus a Tanner, under the^'^
Reign of CommvduSy afferted Chrift was a mere
Man, and on this Account was excommunicated,
with other of his Followers, by Pope Fi^or^ who
appears to have been very liberal in his Cenfures
againft others. Artemo7i propagated the fame er-
roneous Opinion und^x Severn s. Beryllus alfo, anlbicl. J.6.
y^rabian B\{hop under Gordian^ taught^ That otir^'^^'
Saviour had no proper perfonal Suhftjtence before his
becoming Man^ nor any proper Godhead of his own^
but only the Father^ s Godhead refiding in him ; but
afterwards alter'd his Opinion, being convinced of
his Error ^by the Arguments of Orjgen. Sabe/liusl.y, c z7>
alfo propagated miUch the fame Dodrine, denying
alfo the real Perfonality of the Holy Ghoft.
After him Paulus Samojatenus^ Bifhop of Antioch^ 28,29.
and many of his Clergy, publickly avowed the
fame Principles concerning Chrift, and were ex-
pomjmunicated by a large Council of Biftjops.
But though thefe Excommunications, upon ac-
count of pifferences in Opinion, prove that the

Bifhops

44 ^^^ History ^/Persecution.

Bifhops had fee up for Judges of the Faich, and
aflumed a Power and Dominion over the Con-
fciences of others, yet as they had no civil Ef-
fefts, and were not enforced by any penal Laws,
they were not attended with any publick Con-
fufions, to the open Reproach of the Chriftian
Church.

But when once Chriftianicy was fettled by the
Laws of the Empire, and the Bifliops free to act
as they pleafed, without any fear of publick Ene-
mies to difturb and opprefs them, they fell into
more fhameful and violent Quarrels, upon account
of their Differences concerning the Nature and
r^ ^a\ . Dignity of Chrifb. The Controverfy firft began
cTi * ^ between Alexander Bifhop oi Alexandria, and Arius
Soc. E.H. oneof his Prefbyters, and foon fpread it felf into
1. 1, c. 6. other Churches, enflaming Bifliops againfl Bifhops,
who out of a Pretence to fupport Divine Truth
excited Tumults, and entertained irreconcilable
Hatreds towards one another. Thefe Divifibtis of
the Prelates fet the Chriflian People together by
the Ears, as they happened to favour their diffe-
rent Leaders and Heads of Parries ; and the Dif-
pute was managed with fuch Violence, that it
foon reached the whole Chriflian World, and
gave Occafion to the Heathens in feveral Places
to ridicule the Chriflian Religion upon their pub-
Euf<b. 1.6. lick Theatres. How different were the Tempers
^ '^^^ of the Bifhops. and Clergy of thefe Times from
the excellent Spirit of Dionyftus Bifhop of Alexan-
dria, in the Reign of Decius, who writing to No-
'vatus upon account of the Diflurbancc he had
raifed in the Church of Rome, by the Severity of
his Doclrine, in not admitting thofe who lapfed
into Idolatry in Times of Perfecution ever more
to Communion, though they gave all the Marks
of a true Repentance and Converfion, tells him.

One

The History of Persecution. 4^

^ One ought to fuffer any Thing in the World rather
than divide the Church of God.

The Occafion of the Arian Controverfy wasSoc. E.H.
this ^ Alexander Bifhop of Alexandria fpeaking in^- i* c. 5.
a very warm Manner concerning the Trinity be-
fore the Prefbyters and Clergy of his Church,
affirmed there was anUnity in the "trinity^ and par-
ticularly that the Son was Co-eternal and Confub-
fiantial^ and of the fame Dignity with the Father,
Arius^ one of his Prefbyters, thought that the
Bifhop, by this Doftrine, was introducing the

^ Theodoret indeed gives another Account of this Matter, Theod.l.j.
ijiz. Thiii/iris4S was difappointed of the Biiho^iicko^ Alexandria c. 2,
by the Promotion of Alexa7:d€r^ and that this provoked hiai to
oppofe the Dodrine of the Eilliop. But it fhould be confidered c. 7, 14.
that Theodoret lived an hundred Years after Arins^ and appears
to have had the higheit Hatred of his Name and Memory.
He tells us, he was employed by the Devil; that he ivas an im-
picas Wretch^ and damned in the other World. The Accufacions of
iuch a one deferve but little Credit, efpecially as there are no
concurrent Teftimonies to fupport them. Bifhop Alexander never
mentions it amongft thofe other Charges which he throws upon
him, in his Letter to the Biiliop of Confiantinople. Conjlantim
cxprefiy afcribes the Rife of the Controverfy to Alexander % in-
quifirory Temper, and to Arius's fpeaking of Things he ought
never to have thought of. Socrates allures us it was owing to
this, that jirius apprehended the Bifhop taught the Dodrine of
Sabellius. Sozamen imputes their Quarrel only to their Di-Soz,
verfity of Sentiments. Bifhop Alexander fays he oppofed ^y////, p- 4^6.
becaufe he taught impious Dodrincs concerning the Son ; and
Arius affirms he oppofed Alexander on the fame Account. Now
whether Theodoret's fingle unfupported Teftimony is to be pre-
ferred to thefe other Accounts, I leave every one that is a Judge
of common Senfe to determine. Nay, I think 'tis evident ic
muft be a Slander, becaufe the Bifhop himfelf had an Eftcern for
Arius, after his Advancement to the Bifhoprick of Alexandriay
and, as Celafius Cyzicenus tells \.n^ Ketrz^iitT'?: ^Tr^ijCvrcegi'l. z, c. i,
iyyi^ct zctvTcoy made him tie Presbyter next in Dignity to him-
/elf; which 'tis not probable he would have done, if he had
iien in him any Tokens of Enmity becaufe o^ hi& Promorion.

Sabellian

46 ^he History ^Persecution.

Sahellian Hcrefy, and therefore oppofed him, ar-
guing in this manner : ^ If the Father begot the Sony
' he who was begotten muji have a beginning of his
Exifience ; and from hence^ fays he, His manifefi^
that there was a "Time when he was not ; the neceffar'^
E.H. ].i. Confequence of which he affirmed was this, That he
^' '^* had his Subfejtence out of Things not exifting. Sozomen
adds farther, tliat he afferced, ^ That by virtue of
his Free-will the Son was capable of Vice as well as
Virtue \ and that he was the mere Creature and Work
of God. The Bifhop being greatly difturbed by
thefe Expreflions of Arius^ upon account of the
Novelty of them, and not able to bear fuch an
Oppofition from one of his Prefbyters to his own
Principles ^ commanded {cK^^Kzvai^ admonifhed^ as
' Preftdent of the Council^ to whom it belonged to enjoin
Silence^ and put an end to the Difpute) Arius to for-
bear

i^ etvctymi z^ UK Qi^iov iyjc^v ctv]ov rm v^o^agiv*

^ Dr. Berryman tells the Worldj that when I fay the Bifhop

Brief Re- was of a Temper not able to bear Oppolition, ^tis an Addition of

772 arks ^^.^.mi7:e cwn^ ^without any ground^ that he can fee ^ in the Hijioriarjs ;

and quotes a Paflage from Ruffinus the Hirtorian, which fays

RezfzeWy he was I^atura lenis et quietus^ Katurally mild a7id quiet \ and

p. 9. another from Sozomeny which tells us, th^x he ufed fuch a gentle

and candid Way qvith Arius, as to incur the Blame of fome People

for fie wing too much .Countenance to him. But had he produced

an hundred more fuch Tcftimonies as thefc, ic would have fig-

nified nothing : For againft thefe wc have the TefUmony of a

certain Presbyter, Cotemporary with Arius ^ who alTured Con-

fiantiay the Emperor's Sifter, that Arius was unjufily banilhed

and excommunicated, ihro" the Hatred and private Enmity of

Alexander, nvho 'was moved with Enmity againfl him for his

great Reputation amcngft the People, A Teftimony that Con-

ftantia fully believed, and that fecms confirmM by Hiftory,

E.H. For Sozomen tells us, that when Pope Alexander had commanded

p. 417. Arius to believe as he himfelf did, and could not prevail upon

him,

T'he History of Persecution. 47

bear the Ufe of them, and to embrace the Dodtrine
of the Confubftanciality and Co-eternity of the
Father and the Son. But Arius was not thus to
be convinced, efpecially as a great Number of the
BiHiops and Clergy were of his Opinioh, and fup-
ported him ; and for this Reafon himfclf and the
Clergy of his Party were excommunicated, and
expelled the Church, in a Council of near an Hun-
dred of the Egyptian and Lman Bifhops met to-
gether for that Purpofe, by the Bifliop, v/ho in
this Cafe was boch Party and Judge, the Enemy
and Condcmner of Arius. Upon this Treatment
Arius and his Friends fent circular Letters to the
feveral Bifhops of the Church, giving them an
Account of their Faith, and defiring that if they
found their Sentiments orthodox, they would write
to Alexander in their Favour ; if they judged them
wrong, they would give them Inftrudions how

him, and found that many of the B'^Jbops and Clergy^ nvho were
pre/ent^ thought Arius in the right ^ he immediately excommu-
nicaced him, and all che Clergy that were of his Opinion.
This looks like Pride and Envy, at the growing Reputation of
his Presbyter. But let us hear Alexander himfelf. Speaking of
Arius and his Followers, he fays, That the fame Men whoThtod*
eppofed the Deity of the Son of God, fcrnple not to reproach «/. 1. !• c. 4.
And becaufe, as he reprefents the Matter, they proclaimed p. 1 6.
themfelves wifer than the Ancients, and his own Teachers, and
fbme of his Ccllegues, and boafled of their own Wifdom, he
cries out, as if they attempted to fcale the very Heavens, O im-
pious Arrogance^ O unmeafurable Madnefs^ O vain (^lory^ worthy
•f their Bnvy ! For what \ Becaufe they pretended to be wifer
^than the BiHiop, his Teachers, and thofe of his Party. And
a little after he tells us, than Arius and Achillas^ and their
Party, were excommunicated, ciKKorexoi yivo^j^oi ty)^ zvazC\i^ IJ^ p^ j^
\^fj.cov S'tS'etdKcLKict;^ becaufe their Sentiments were contrary to our
pious DsBrine ; and quotes for his Vindication a Palfage of
St. Pau!^ If any Man preach to you he fides what ye have receive d^
let him he Anathema: As tho* his Explications of the Trinity
were of-tqual Authority with Sc. VauX% Gofpsi.

I to

48 The History of Persecution.

to believe. Thus was the Difpnte carried intd
the Chriftian Church, and the Bifhops being di-
vided in their Opinions, fome of them wrote to
Alexander not to admit Arius and his Party into
Communion without renouncing their Principles,
whilft others of them perfwaded him to acl a diffe-
rent Part. The Bifhop not only followed the
Advice of the former, but wrote Letters to the
feveral Bifliops not to communicate with any of
them, nor to receive them if they (hould come
Soc. E. H. to them, nor to credit Eufebius, nor any other
1. 1. C.6. Perfon that fhould write to them in their behalf,
but to avoid them as the Enemies of God, and
the Corrupters of the Souls of Men-, and not fo
much as to falute them, of to have any Commu-
S02. Li. nion with them in their Crimes. Etifebius^ who
c. !$• ' was Bifhop of Nicomedia^ fent feveral Letters to
Alexander^ exhorting him to let the Controverfy
peaceably drop, and to receive Arius into Com-
munion ; but finding him inflexible to all his re-
peated Entreaties, he got a Synod to meet in Bi-
thynia^ from whence they wrote Letters to the
other Bifhops, to engage them to receive the
Arians to their Communion, and to perfuade
Alexander to do the fame. But all their Endea-
vours proved inefFeftual, and by thefe unfriendly
Dealings the Parties grew more enraged againft
each other, and the Quarrel became incu-
rable.

'Tis, I confefs, not a little furprizing, that the
whole Chriftian World fl:iould be put into fuch
a Flame upon account of a Difpute of fo very
♦ abftrufe and metaphyfical a Nature, as this really

was in the Courfe and Management of it.
Alexander's Doftrine, as Arius reprefents it in
his Letter to Eufebius of Mcomedia^ was this:

God

The History of Persecution. 49

« God is always^ and the Son always. The fame 77;;2f Theod.
the Father^ the fame Time the Son. The Son co-exifts^' H. 1. !•
with God unbegottenly, being ever begotten^ being un-^' ^'
begottenly begotten. That God was not before the Son^
no not in Conception^ or the leafl Point of Time^ he
being ever God^ ever a Son^ : For the Son is out of
God himfelf. Nothing could be more idexcufable,
than the tearing the Churches in pieces upon ac-
count of fuch high and fubtle Points as thefe, ex-
cept the Conduft of Arius^ who on the other hand
afferted, as Alexander^ his Bifhop, in his Letter to
the Bifhop of Confiantinople, tells us, ' That thereU.lu
was a Time when there was no Son of God, and that c- 4-
he who before was not^ afterwards exijied ; being made^
whenfoever he was made^ jufl as any Man whatfoever %

5 Art 0 05©-, ctei 0 i\@-* aiJ.A "TTctJil^i ctfAa, i/©-^ cryft/'sriif-
yet ayivvn\cog b l/®- t^ ^ieoy aeiym'fi^ gr/J^, etyzprnTofivn^

■i^IV' \iTi ^^iVOtet ii]i CLTOUSO TlVi T^Odtyei 0 05©" T» lif»' dSi
05©-, etei li©-' S0 ctvj^ i^t TH 05« 0 i|©-.

^ He being ever God^ ever a Son', ah ^io^^ aei 140^, This^^"^^^'^^*
Paflage Dr. B. excepts aoainft, as not rightly tranflared, and?- ^*
would have it rendred, God is always^ a Son al*ways^ and fays,
'//J exaBly the fame with thefirft Claufe^ ah 0 -^50^, Aei 0 vio^^
except the Irjfertion of the Article in it ; i. e. 'tis exadly the fame,
e^^cepting one very material Difference. The Articles in the
firft Claufe^ ah 0 ^io^, ah 0 t/o<j evidently diftinguifh the diffe-
rent Perfons. But the latter exprellions, ah d-io^^ ah l/o^,
have no fuch Article of Diftindion, and are ufed as a Reaibn
why God was not prior to the Son, either in Conception, or
leaft Point of Time, becaufe God <was ever Gody and ever a Son,
viz. becaufe ever a Father, as Alexander himfelf teaches :

riifcTSfA AH HVAi TTAT^A, Er/ J^i 'TTATH^ AH 'TTA^OVTO^ TH VlUjTheoi*

J^i ov yj^y-cLTil^H T^trwf. Art cTg 'tta^ovto^ avtco m uas, ahI, i. c. 4*'
iTiv 0 TTATfif TiKHOi J i. 6. the Father is always a Father. He^, 13,
is a Father becaufe the Son is always prefent with him^ upon
whofe account he becomes a Father, He is therefore a perfect
Father y becaufe the Son is always prefent with him,

Wv woji o\i an nv 0. i/®- m 0s», k] yc^ov^v vr?^gv 0 tt^-
^iepv y.i) v^a^yjoVy roDi]©- ycVo/uSp^-^ OTi Kj 'Tto^c, yiyoviVy

QtQ- )^ Cr<^.< HVAt OTi^VKlV AV^^CO^Qt* oh O^KOMiQco^ X^ (pA(TlV
A\l^V 7^iz/]r]i HVAI ipVCiCO^y A^i^i]i T2 '^ KAKtd^ i'^tJ^iKJ/KOV^

E and

£0 3l&^ History ^Persecution.

and that therefore he was of a mutable Nature^ and
equally receptive of Vice and Virtue^ and other Things
of the like kind. If thefe were the Things taught,
and publickly avowed by Alexander and Arius^
as each reprefents the other's Principles, I per-
iwade my felf, that every fober Man will think
they both deferved Cenfure, for thus leaving the
plain Account of Scripture, introducing Terms of
their own Invention into a Doftrine of pure Re-
velation, and at laft cenfuring and writing one
againft another, and dividing the whole Church of
Chrifl upon account of them.

But 'tis no uncommon Thing for warm Dif-
putants to miftake and mifreprelent each other ;
and that this was partly the Cafe in the prefent
Controverfy, is, I think, evident beyond Difpute ;
^ Alexander defcribing the Opinions of Arius^ not
as he held them himfelf, but according to the
Confequences he imagined to follow from them.

Thus

^ I have a little alterM my Judgment finge the iirft Edition
of this Hifiory, in which I had reprefented Arius as charging
Alexander with the Confequences which Arius drew from thp
Biihop's Principles : Whereas I now think, that the Bifhop did
ufe the Expreflions Arhis afcribed to him ; and particularly
€tyi\'Vi)7oyqvi)iy unhegottenly begotten^ becaufe they feem con-
fiiienc with his Dodrine : See the Word explained />. 57. Note ^.
But I am fliil of opinion, contrary to Dr. 3. that Arius was
mifreprerent«d. And my Reafbns are many. Arius exprefly
declares himfelf to be of contrary Sentiments to what the Bilhop
and^others would charge upon him ; and particularly with re-
fped to the Immutability and Eternity of the Son, and the
Excellency of his l^Jature above all Creatures. But it feems
ReVtp.ii,'^^ Matter nvas debated, nvith great Freedom at Alexandria, and
nve cant fufpofe the Council there could be ignorant of the Sen-
timents ef Arius, or fo bafe as to charge on him more than he
ajferted ; and as to the Council of Sice^ they examined Arius in
Per/on^ and there could be no room to fufpeH they Jbould eithef
mijlake or mifreprefent his Sentiments, But the good Dodor
muft cxcufe nie from too implicit a Belief in Councils; efpecially

' Oi

^be HjsTORY 2/^ Persecution. '^i

Thus Arius afferted, The Son hatb a Beginnings and
is from none of the Things that do exijl ; noc meaning
that he was not from 'Everlafting, before ever the
Creation, Time, and Ages had a Being, or that

as he hath not produced the Examinations of thofe Councils,
and Arius's Anfwers to their Queftions, which might give greac
lioht into this Affair. The Determinations of the Council of
Alexandria don't fecm to have been made with that Impar-
tiality as might be defired. Alexander vvas in his own Diocefe ;
and the Bifliops who compofed the Council were of Egypt ani
Lybid^ and therefore probably many of them under the influence
oi Alexander f who in the Trial of ^y/«/, was both his Accufer
and Judge, Belides^ the Condemnation of Avius at this Council
appears to have been far from unanimous, becaufe many of th^
Bifhops and Clergy, who were there prefent, thought Arius in
the right ; and a great Number of the People ot Alexandrf/t
adhered ro him, and compajjlonated him as a Perfon greatly in^ Soz. E. tfi
juredy and caji out of the Church cDteATco^^ indicia caufa, avithoutl' I. c. 15,
being heard^ or fairly examined. So that the Cenfure of the
Bilhop hath the Appc-arance of Hadinefs and Rafhnefs, altho*
fome furious Spirits blamed him for exercifing more Patience
than became him. However, the Council of Nice, the DodorRem.^.io,
thinks, could hardly be liable to fuch Sufpicion^ becaufe they ivere Review,
fo careful to examine Arius in Perfon^ and take his Opinions fromp, iz^ i j*
his own Mouth. 'Tis pity we had not thefe Examination^
extant, that we might judge of the Fairnefs of them. There is
fome ground to fufped that they charged Arius with more than
he really held, at Jeaft with Confequences from his Principles
which he never own'd ; and particularly with the Mutability
of the Nature of the Son of God. For, in his Letter to Eufebius^
and to Alexander from JNicomedia^ he exprefly aflerts the Immu-
tability and Unchangeablenefs of the Son. And in that Extrad
out of his Thalia J given by Athanafius^ if it be genuine, yet
there is not one Word to denote his being capable of Virtue or
Vice. Conjlantia's Chaplain affirmed he was injured by the
Synod, and did not believe as was reported of him. Eufebius
and Theognis affirm, that he was no: the Perfun he was accufed
to be ; which they knew partly from his Letters to them, and
partly from pcrfonal Convtrfation with them. Arius in his
Confeffion to Cor^Jlantine owns no fuch Things ; and Conflantinc
ordered his Caufe to be re-examined by the Council of yeru-
(a\ev2y that it might appear whether he was Orthodox or nor,
ajid .whether he K•:^l ^i\imx^d. or opprefled thro' Envy. The
"^^^ - - E 2. Council

52 ^he History of Persecution.

he was created like other Beings, or that like the
left of the Creation he was mutable in his Nature.
Ariiis exprefly declares the contrary, before his
Condemnation by the Council of NicCy in his Letter
to Eufibius, his intimate Friend, from whom he
had no reafon to conceal his moft fecret Sentiments,
Theod. and fays, ^ This is what we have and do profefsy
^»ii'li»Thal the Son is not unhegotten, nor in any manner
^' ^* a part of the unbegotten Gody nor from any part of
the material Worlds but that by the JVill and Council
of the Father he exited before all 'Times and Ages,
perfe^ God, the only begotten and unchangeable^ and
that therefore before he was begotten or formed he was
not J i. e. as he explains himfelf, ^ There never was
a Time when he was unbegotten. His affirming
therefore that the Son had a Beginning, was only
faying, that he was in the whole of his Exiftence
from the Father, as the Origin and Fountain of
his Being and Deity, and not any Denial of his
being from before all Times and Ages ; and his
faying that he was no part of God, nor derived
from Things that do exift, was not denying his
Generation from God before all Ages, or his be-
ing compleatly God himfelf, or his being produced

Council accordingly declared him innocent and orthodox, and

worthy to be received again into Communion ; a Council called

jvyjf by "Eufebius an Army of God to oppofe the Devit, a great Choir

Conf 1 4 ^-^ ^^^5 ^"^ confifting of the moft famous Bifhops from the

c ^i ii ^^^^^^^ Provinces; amongft whom were fome alfo who were

•^ >T> efteemM orthodox, and who had fat in the Council of MVe

it felf. Why (hould not this divine Choir, and Army of God,

have as much Efteem as the divine Choir and Army of God

againft the Devil at N/Ve ?

" ^ Ot/ 0 10- ^K t^tv eLytvvi{l®'j i^c/^s fJiif&- Ayivv)D% kaT

;^ PtfAw v^is-n T^ Xt^^^y >h '^es cucovcovy tam^w^ 0g©-, [aovq-
yivtify AVAWdtur&y xj Tciv >«f>'«9;j— »» nv*
"* Ayivytfl©- yJ ^K m

after

The History of Persecution. 1^31

after a more excellent Nianner than the Creatures ;
but that as he was always from God, fo he was
different both from him, and all other Beings, and
a Sort of middje Nature between God and his
Creatures-, whofe Beginning, as Eufebtus of Nico-
media writes to Paulinus Bifhop of Tyri?, was ^ 7totU. Ibid.
only inexplicable by fVords^ but unconceivable by the c 6.
Underftanding of Men j and by all other Beings fuperior
to Men, and who was formed after the moft perfect
Likenefs to the Nature and Power of God. This is^
the ftrongeft Evidence that neither Arius nor his
firft Friends put the Son upon a Level with the
Creatures, but that they were in many Refpcfts
of the fame Sentiments with rhofe who condemned
them. Thus Alexander declares the Son to be
"" before all Ages. Arius exprefly fays the fame,
that he was ^ before all Times and Ages. Alexander^
that ^ he was begotten, not out of nothing, but from
the Father who was. Arius, that '' he was the he-
gotten God, the Word from the Father. Alexander
fays, the Father only is unbegotten. Arius, that there
never was a Time when the Son was not begotten^
Alexander, that the Subftjience of the Son is inex-
plicable even by Angels. Eufebius, that kis Beginning
is inconceivable and inexplicable by Men and Angelsl
Alexander, that the Father was> always a Father
lecaiife of the Son. Arius, that the Son was not before
he was begotten \ and that he was from before all Ages

AhKet x^ ivvoia »x, av^^cd'T^rsdv (jlovov clKKa >^ rcov vvi^ <tvS>^ttfnsni(

^ U^AiOVt©-,

^ ^& Xt9V^v ^ '^^ cuupay.

^ Tivvn^iVTa^ an ly^ t^ />;m ovto.;, cth\ €k ru ovTof 'TTA"

^. Vov z^ AVTii-'^yiyivvi^^ov 'S'iov \oyoy» S02. p. 485.

E 3 the

i>'4 ^^^ History ^Persecution.

ibe begotten Son of God ^. Alexander y that ^ he was
cf an unchangeable I^ature. Arim^ that " he was
unchangeable. Alexander ^ that ^^ was the unchanged
able Image of his Father. Eufebius^ that he was
made after the perfe5i Likenefs of the Difpofition and
Power of him that made him, Alexander^ that all
7'hings have received their Effence from the Father
thro* the Son. Ariusy that God made by the Word
all "Things in Heaven and Earth. Alexander ^ that
the Word^ who made all "Things^ could not be of the
fame "Nature with the Things he made. Arius^ that
he was the perfe^ Creature or Produ5iion of Godj
heod. but not as one of the Creatures "". Arius again,
. H. 1. I. that ^ the Son was no part of God^ nor from any
4* Things that did exift, Alexander.^ that the only be^
gotten Nature was a ^ middle Nature^ between the
unbegotten Father^ and the Things created by him out
of fiothing. And yet, notwithftanding all thefe
Things, v/hcn Alexander gives an Account of the
Principles of Arius to the Bifhops, he reprefents
them in all the Confcquences he thought fit to
draw from them, and charges him with holding,
that the Son was made like every other Creature
abfolutely out of nothing, and that therefore his
Nature was mutable, and fufccptive equally of
Virtue and Vice ; .with many other invidious and
unfcriptural Doftrines, which Arius plainly ap-
pears not to have maintained or taught.

' n^ rrttvreov rcov eusoycov yiyivvi^yh^QV ^lov hoyov. Soz.
P-481- „ ,

* EpiiK ad Alex, apud Athan. de Synod, p. 719;

The History of Persecution, ^r

I do not however imagine that Alexander and
Jrius were of one Mind in all the Parrs of this
Ccntroverfy. They feemed to differ in the fol-
lowing Things'. Particularly about the ftri(£t
Eternity of the Generation of the Son. Alexander
affirmed that it waj^ <*^^?X°^i ahfolutely without Be-
ginning ; and that there was no imaginable Point
of Time in which the Father was prior to the Son ;
and that the Soul could not conceive or think of
any Diftance between them "". Arius^ on the other
hand, maintained, ci^yj'V 5%^ o i^fo^ 7be Son hath
a Beginningj "t/ ^ots on mk m^ There was a Time when
he was not % by which he did not mean, that he
was not before all Times and Ages, or the Creation
of the Worlds vifible and invifible ; but that the
very Notion of begetting and begotten doth ne-
ceiTarily, in the very Nature of Things imply,
that theJBegetter muft be fome Point of Time ac
Icaft in our Conception, prior to what is begotten.
And this is agreeable to the ancient Dodrine of
the Primitive Fathers. They held indeed many
of them, fuch ?iS ^ J ufiin Martyr^ Talian, ^Albe-Bhl.p:
nagorasy ^ Terlullian^ Novatian^ La£iantius^ &c. 1 1 i, 4 ^ n •
that Logos^ i. e. Power, Wifdom, and Reafon^^^> ^'^^
exilted in God the Father flriflly from Eternity, ^jj^p^^^'^
but without any proper Hypoftafis or Perfonality De ver. *
of its own. But that before the Creation of theSap./>.37i,
Worlds, God the Father did emit, or produce,
or generate this Logos^ Reafon, or Wifdom ; whereby
what was before the internal Logos or Wifdom of the

7 0V hoyovy ct///«y^ KoyiKOi ejv^ Achenag. Legar. c. 10,

^ Ante omnia eniiii Deus erat folus, ipfe fibi er mundus et
Jociis ec omnia ——cxterum ne tunc quidem folus; habtbac cnim
fccum, quam habcbac in femetipfo, racioncm fuam fcilicet— ^Hanc
Gfivci Ab^oi/ diciint 1 ■ Adverfug Prax.

E 4 Father,

'56 ^he History ^/Persecution.

Father, exifting eternally in and infeparably from
him, had now its proper Hypoftafis, Subfiftencc,
or Perfonality. Not that the Father hereby be-
came itxoyo^^ or dejlitute of Reafon^ but that tbjs
Produftion proceeded after an ineffable and inex-
plicable Manner. And this Production of the
Word fome of them never fcrupled to affirm \yas
pofterior to the Father, and that the Father was
prior to the Son as thus begotten. Thus Ter-
iullian : Non fermonalis aprincipio^ fed rationalis Deus^
eiiam ante principium ; et quia ipfe quoque fermo ratione
confiflens^ priorem earn ut fubftantiam fuam ojiendat.
]>iam etfi Deus nondum fermonem Juutn miferat^- — cum
ratione fua cogitans atque difponens, fermonem earn effici--
ebatj quam fermone tra5iabat. And afterwards, ^unc
etiam ipfe fermo fpeciem et ornatum fiium fumii^ fonum
et vocem^ cum dicit Deus fiat lex. Hcec eft nativitas
perfe£la fermonis, dum ex Deo procedit^ Adver, Prax.
Thus alfo Novatian: Unus Deus^ cujus neque magni"
iudini^ neque majeftati^ neque virtuti quicquam nee
dixerim pr^ferriy fed nee comparari poteft. Ex quo^
quando ipfe voluit^ fermo flius natus eft. ^in

et Pater ilium etiain prcBcedit^ quod necejfe eft prior
fit^ qua pater fit ; quoniam antecedat neceffe eft eum
qui habet originem file qui originem nefcit^ De Reg.
Fidei. From thefe Paffages *tis plain, that they
confider'd the Son under a twofold Character, as
the Reafon, and as the Word of God. •As the
Reafon of God, he was eternally in the Facher,
unoriginated, unbegotten^ under ived. As the Word of
Gody he was Mifjus, Creatus, Genitus, Prolatus,
and received his diflinft Subfiftence and Perfo-
nality then, when God faid, Let there be Light y
and on this Account the Father was, as No-
vatian fpeaks, as a Father prior to the Son, And
^s Tertullian fzys^ Et pater Deus eft^ et judex Deus
eft j non tamen idee fater et judex femper^ quia Deuj
^ ' " ^ ■ femper,

The History ^Persecution. ^7

femper. Nam nee pater potuit ejfe ante filiunty nee
judex ante deli£ium. Fuit autem tempus^ cum et de-
lirium et filius non fuU^ quod Judicem et qui Patrem
Dominum faceret^ Adverf. Hermog. i. e. God is a
Father and a 'judge. But it doth not thence follow
that he was ahvays a Father and always a Judge.^
hecaufe always God: For he could not be a Father
before the Son, nor a Judge before the Offence. But
there was a Time when there was no Offence^ and
when the Son was not, by which God became a Judge
and Father ^,

Another Thing in which Alexander and Arius
differed, was in the Ule of certain Words, dc«
fcribing the Production and Generation of the Son
of God. Alexander denied that he was made or
created, and would not apply to him any Word by
which the Produdion of the Creatures was denoted.
Whereas ^mj, and Eufebius of Nicomediay did noc
fcruple to affirm that he was iC]i<JTo^:, '^s/zsA/^Tor,
Created, founded, and the like. And for this they
quoted that Paflage, Prov. vii. 22, &c. as rendred

^ If Dr. B. was not too wife to learn, I would here help
him to an Explication of thofe hard Words, ctyivvi]TQyivt)i,
and AVcL^'-^o^, not yiviati as the Dowlor hath it, but yzw^XFu.
At leaft "tis the only one 1 can think of, tho' he feems to have
no manner of Conception of their true Meaning, The Son
then is ctyivvnroyivt)^^ unbegotten^ as the eflential Wifdom of
the Father ; and begotten, as the Word proceeding from him.
Without Beghmng'j ss the eternal Reafon of Cod j but b^g^otten^
or produced^ as the Wprd by which he created the Worlds.
Thus Alexander himfelf partly argues : T/ J^i hk etvo^ioy t&
Myeiv Toji fjn) eivcu rm cro^pietv t» 'C^c«— — i? Twr J^uvayjy ra d'€\i
ftw v'7rct^')^&iu 'TToji^ n Tov \oyov civtm t)Kfco7)ieietScu^. Is it not
impious to fay, that there IPas a Time ivhen the Wifdom afji
fower of God ivere r*ot, or *when his Keafon was imperfeH \
Epift, ad Alexand. Eufibius of C^farea cxprefly gives this Ac- Apud
count of it ; Kcu "Treiv iv^^yeicL yivvr^'d-metty J^uvcf.y.ei nv iv T(o Thcod,
'TTxj^i ctyzvvineo^ ; Before he ivas aBually hegotteWy he was fo- p. 40.
tevtiaUy in the Father in ari unbegotten Mariner.

5? The History of Persecution.

by the LXX. The Lord created me the Beginning of
his fFajy' he founded me before the Age^ and begat me
before all the Hills. They did not however hereby
put him upon a Level with the Creatures. For
tho' Arius fays he was k]i(7i/.cl t« ^t^ rzKaGv^ the
ferfe£i Creature cfGody yet he immediately fubjoins,
ttKK iix ^^ ^^ '^^^ KJicfjietTcov^ yet not as one of the Crea-
tures •, and affirms that he was ax^i-o^ y^vifi'^ei?^ be-
gotten not in "Tijne^ or before all Titne^ which could
not he affirmed of the Creatures. And his Friend
Eufebius fays , that he was y^li'^o^ i) ^iimikicotq'; ^

ouoioTtiri TH ^e^c rov ^^TroniK'fla^ created^ founded^ and
begotten with an unchangeable and ineffable Nature.
Nor were the Primitive Fathers afraid to ufe
fuch-Iike Words. Juftin Martyr fays, he was
TpeoTov yivviiixA ra ^i\i^ ^he firfi Produilion of Gody
ApoL I. c. 66. Tatiany that he was ^fyov T^cororo.Koif
ra TATf ©-, The firft'born fVork of the Father, ler-
iulUany that ^ Sophia was fecunda perfona condita^
formed the fecond Perfon. And indeed mod of the
Primitive Fathers expounded the before-mentioned
Paflage of the Proverbs of the eternal Generation
of the Son, and thereby allowed h'lm to be >c7/ro^
tj ^lyLiKicoTo^y created and founded.

Another Thing in which Alexander and jirius
leemed to differ, was about the voluntary Gene-
ration of the Son of God. Alexander doth not,
I think, expreflydeny this, but feems to intimate,
that the Generation of the Son was neceffary.
Thus he fays of the Son, s/z^s^jj tco ^ene^i^ fxoyco i&j
€tyzvvr)Tco KeiTofj^ov ineiv^i ; He is like to the Father ^ and
inferior only in thisy that he is not unbegotten^ or that
. the Father only is unbegotten -, the Confequence of
which feems to be, that he apprehended his Ge-
neration as neceffary as the Effence of the Father.
Arius on the contrary, and his Friends, affirmed,

that

The History of Persecution. 59

that he was begotten by the Will of the Father ; a Do-
ctrine not new nor ftrange in the Primitive Church.

Jujtin Mdrty fpeaking of the hoy©- fays, cTfi'ct/x/y Dialog.

This Virtue was begotten by the Father typhis Power ^^' '^^'^^^'^
and IVilL And again, explaining the Scripture
Gen. xix. 24. The Lord rained down Fire from the
Lord from Heaven^ he fays, there was one Lord on
Earthy and another in Heaven^ who was the Lord of
that Lord who appeared on Earth ; co^ tcctw^ x,) -3-50^ j/^* 41 j.

as bis Father and God, and the Author or Caufe to
him of being powerful^ and Lord, and God, Cone.
Tryph. Pars fecund. And again, he exprefly affirms
him ct'TTo T« 'TTcer^Q- -d-^Awcrei yiynniJjca^ to be begotten by
the Will of his Father, In like manner Tatian^
-^iKnuATt J^g T)]<; ATrhoTiiT©- dur\i "T^i^TrnJ'ct My©-, that
he did come forth by the pure Will of the Father,
And TertulUan, Ut primum Deus voluit — ipfum pru
mum protulit fermonem, Cont. Prax. He thm firjt
produced the Word, when it firfi pleafed him. I do
not take upon me to defend any of thefe Opinions,
but only to reprefent them as I find them 5 and
I think the three Particulars I have mentioned
were the moft material Differences between the
contending Parties.

I know the Enemies of Arius charged him with
many other Principles -, but as 'tis the common
Fate of religious Difputes to be managed with an
intemperate Heat, 'tis no wonder his Opponents
fhould either miftake or mifreprefent him, and in
their Warmth charge him with Confequences which
either he did not fee, or exprefly denied. And as
this appears to be the Cafe, no wonder the Con-
troverfy was never fairly managed, nor brought
to a friendly and peaceable IfTue. Many Methods
were tried, bqc all in vain, to bring Alexander and

Ariui

^Q Ihe History ^/"Persecution.

Arm to a Reconciliation, the Emperor himfelf

condefccnding to become a Mediator between

them.
Eufeb.Vit. The firft Step he took to heal this Breach was
Conft. l.i.right e and prudent : He fent his Letters to Alexan-
C.63, <^^-^riay exhorting Alexander and Arius to lay afide their

Differences, and become reconciled to each other.

He tells them, That after he had diligently examined

^ My Cenfurer Dr. B. thinks the Emperor's Prudence in the
Method tj conducing his Interpojition^ is not nvithout Exception,
I will not except to the StifFnefs of the Expreflion, oi conducing
an Tnterpojltion. But why was not this Interpofition prudent ? >
Would the Dodor have had him immediately applied wholefome
Severities, and put an End at once to the Difpuje by the Sword ?
If not, what could be better than Exhortations to mutual For-
bearance and Peace? But he was but a young Chrifiianj and
tittle qualiped to judge of the Confecjuence of fuch a Difpute,
But 'tis plain he had Prudence enough to judge, that meta-
physeal Queftions and Speculations ought never to have been
brought into the Church, or made the OccaKon of fetting the
whole Chriftian World in a Flame. The Controverfy would
foon have dropt of itfelf, had not the Bifliops and Clergy kept
it alive, and by mutual Quarrels and Perfecutions put the World
in an Uproar. Alexander and Arius, not content to difpute
with one another privately, fent their Letters to the Bifhop^
of other Provinces, to make Parties in each other's Favour, and
by mutual Injuries made themfelves irreco4icileable to each other.
Whereas had they followed Conjlantine's Advice, abated of their
Pride and Stiffnefs, and kept from mutual Refleftions and Vio-
lences, the difmal Confequences that followed would have beei^
prevented, and the Church of God been kept peaceable and
united. The Confequcnce of the Difpute, had it been fairly
managed, muft have turned out to the Advantage of Truth, and
the Opinions of the Orthodox been the more fecurely cflabliihed ;
unlcfs the Dodor will fuppofe that the Arians had the better of
it, as to their Caufe, the Patrons of it, and the Methods of ma-
naging it. The Advice of Confiantine^ exhorting them to Peace,
could not poflibly be imprudent, nor the following it preju-
dicial tp the Caufe of Qrthodoxy, upon ^ny ocher Sup-
pplition.

the

The History £/" Persecution. 6i

the Rife ^ and Foundation of this Affair^ he found the
Occafwn of the Difference to be vef^ trifling ^5 and not
worthy fucb furious Contentions ^ and that therefore
he promifed himfelf that his Mediation between them
for Peace^ would have the defired Effe£i. He tells
Alexander^ "That he required from his Prefbyter a De-

^ In my firft Edition I had faid the Kife and 1?rogrefs y which
I have altered to the Rife and Foundation^ that being the proper
Meaning of the Word vTro^icnv^ here ufed by the Hiftorian ;
tho' 'tis certain that Confiantine had confidered the Progrefs of
the Concroverfy too.^ As to the Word J^idhoyi^oju^co^ Dr. jB.
fays it fhould not be rendred diligently examinedy as I have done,
but conjidering and reafoning. Now unlefs the Dodor diligently
examines without con fidering, or confiders a Controverfy without
diligently examining it, I mult infift on ir, that myTranAation is as
good as his, becaufe it means juft the fame Thing. But I think
the Doctor gives this up, having omitted taking any Notice
of it in his 'Bundle of Heads, in his Poftfcript Preface to his
Sermons at Boyle's Ledures.

^ The Difpute evidently was not atout the Unity of God,
or the Generation of the Son of God before all Ages and Times.
This was agreed on between both die Champions ; but whether
what was generated or begotten could be ftridly coeval with
the Begetter; whether a Being produced, and who owed hij
Exiftence and Deity to another, even to the Father as the Pons
& OrigOy could be properly faid to be ctvef.^yf^y ^without Be-
ginning ; how the Son, who was allowed not to be part of the
father's Eflcnce by Divilion or Fluxion, could yet be from the
Father, fb as to be confubftantial with him ; how the fame
individual numerical EfTence could be both unbegotten and be-
gotten, and how the Wifdom or Reafon of the Father, con-
iJderM as an Attribute cf his Nature, could become a proper and
diftind Perlbn or Subfiftence from the Father: Now, tho* I am
not againft controverting thefe and other metaphyseal Points
in a fober candid Manner, yet to bring thefe Points into the
Church as effential Matters, and to enter into Excommunica-
tions and Depositions upon account of them, is a Pradice which
neither Religion or Prudence can vindicate. And as thcie
Points on either fide can never be explained, fb as to be free
from Difficulty, I muft be of Confiantine* s Mind, that the ori-
ginal Occafion of the Difference was trifling, and not worthy
fuch furious Contentions.

claration

($2 T]6^ History ^Persecution.

k. -

claration of their Sentiments concerning a filh^ e?npty
^eftion. And Arius^ That he had imprudently ut-
tered what he Jhould not have even thought of^ or what
at leaft he ought to have kept fecret in his own Breaji ;
and that therefore ^ejlions about fuch Things Jhould
not have been ajkcd ; or if the^j had^ Jhould 72ot have
heen anfwered \ that the'j proceeded from an idle Itch
of Difputation^ and were in themfelves of fo high and
difficult a Nature^ as that they could not be exaoily
comprehended^ or fuitably explained ; and that to infift
on iuch Points too much before the People, could
produce no other EfFeft, than to make fome of
them talk Blafphemy, and others turn Schifma-
ticks ; and that therefore as they did not contend
about any ejfential Do£lrine of the Gofpel^ nor intro-
duce any new Herefy concerning the Worjhip of God^
they fhould again communicate with each other j
and finally, that notwithftanding their Sentiments
in thefe unneceffary and trifling Matters were dif-
ferent from each other, they fhould acknowledge
one another as Brethren, and, laying afide their
Hatreds, return to a firmer Friendfhip and AfFe^
<5lion than before.

But religious Hatreds are not fo eafily removed,
and the Ecclefiaftical Combatants were too warmly
engaged to follow this kind and wholefome Ad-
Eufeb. vice. The Bifhops of each fide had already in^
Vir.Gonft. terefted the People in their Quarrel, and heated
i-S«<?-43^them into fuch a Rage that they attacked and
fought with, wounded and deftroyed each other,
and a6led with fuch Madnefs as to commit the
grcatcft Impieties for the fake of Orthodoxy -, and
arrived to that pitch of Infolence, as to offer great
Indignities to the imperial Images. The old Con-
troverfy about the Time of celebrating Eajter being
now revived, added Fuel to the Flames, and ren-
dered their Animofities too furious to beappeafed.

SECT.

T'he HisTonY of Persecution. 63

SECT. III.

The Nicene Council.

COnftantine being greatly difturbed upon thisrhefrft
Account, fent Letters to the Bifhops of the^^^^^'^'
feveral Provinces of the Empire to aflemble io^^l^^^^\
gccher at Nice in Bylhinia, and accordingly great id* ibij, *
Numbers of them came, J. C. 325. fome through c 6.
hopes of Profit, and others out of Curiofity to^^c. E.H.
fee fuch a Miracle of an Emperor, and many of ^' ^* ^' ^^*
them upon much worfe Accounts, The Number
of them was three Hundred and Eighteen, befides
vaft Numbers of Prefbyters, Deacons, Acolythifts,
and others. The Ecclefiaftical Hiftorians tell us,
that in this vaft Collection of Billiops fome were
remarkable for their Gravity^ Patience under Suffer-
ings^ Modejiy^ Integrity^ Eloquence^ courteous Beha^
viour^ and the like Virtues ; that fome were ve-
nerable for their Age^ and others excelled in their
youthful Vigour^ both of Body and Mind. They are
called an Army of God, mujlered againji the Devih,
a great Crown or Garland of Priefts, compofed and
adorned with the fairefl Flowers ; Confeffors, a Crowd
of Martyrs, a divine and memorable Ajfembly ; a di-
vine Choir, &c. But yet they all agree that there
were others of very different Charafters. Eufebius
tells us, that after the Emperor had ended his
Speech, exhorting them to Peace, fome of them
began to accufe their Neighbours, others to vindicate
themfelves^ and recriminate ; that many Things of this
Nature were urged on both fides, and many Quarrels
or Debates arofe in the Beginning ; and that fome
came to the Council with worldly Views of Gain.

Theodoril

64. ^h^ History ^Persecution.

Theod. ^heodorit ^ fays, that thofe of the Arian Party wer^

E. H. I. i.Juhtle and craft'j^ and like Shelves under Water con-

^- '^^ ^ '• cealed their IVickednefs ; that amongft the Ortkodox

fome of them were of a quarrelling^ malicious Temper^

and accufed feveral of the BifJoops^ and that they pre--

fented their accufatory Libels to the Emperor. Socrates

fays that very many of them^ TKetoy^?^ the major Part

of them^ accufed one another -, and that many of them

the Day before the Emperor came to the Council^ had

delivered in to him Libels of Accufations^ or Petitions

againft their Enemies. Sozomen goes farther^ and

tells us, T'hat as it ufually comes to pafs, many of the

Rem.p.i<. ^ ^^' ^' affirms, that the ill CharaHer given by Theodorit of
fome^ relates only to thofe who oppofed the Proceedings of the Councily
and patronized the Caufe 0/ Arius. But this is not true ; for tho*
the Quotation from Theodorit^ c. 7. relates to thofe Perfons, yet
that from Cap, 11, evidently relates to others, not one (ingle
Intimation being dropped that he intended the Avians^ The
Orthodox themfelves were (pi^etTreX'^i^y-ov^^ etvJ^^i^y Men that
loved parrels and Enmities \ a worfe Chara<5tcr than what he

Rcm.p.3ita{cribes to the ArianSy when he calls them vTDiKoiy eUnning Men
for concealing their Sentiments, The Doftor is forced to allow,
tho' exceedingly againft the Grain, that the Bifhops had an hand
in thefe Qiiarrels. But adds, What was done only by a Pari,
perhaps a very fmall Part in comparifony cant be an ObjeBion to
the Council in grofs. This would have been a good Obfcrvation,
if it had happened to be true. But the Hiftorians are againft
him. They were toAAo/, Tr^eioi'i^^ many^ very many^ or the
greater Part of them. He adds, their Ascufations might not be
all of one Tenor, 1 believe not: But what is this to the Pur-
pofe ? The Orthodox Hiftorians have concealed them, and left
their Readers to guefs for themfelves; and what if others fhould
not guefs quite fo favourable as Dr. B, they liave as much Reafon
of their fide as he poflibly can have. But did they not lay afide
their Mifunderflandings afterwards ? I can't tell. They did
indeed agree in a Creed after a great deal of Perfuafion, and
the Interpofition of the imperial Advice and Authority, fiu:
whether they forgave and forgot, the Hiftorians have left unde-
termined. Some of them immediately fell into quarrelling again,
ai foon as the Council was over.

I Priejis

The History of Persecution. 65*

Priejis came together, that the^ might contend earne^ly
about their own Affairs, thinking they had now a fit
Opportunity to redrefs their Grievances ; and, that eve-
ry one prefented a Libel to the Empror, of the Mat^
ters of which he accufed others, enumerating his parti-
cular Grievances. And that this happened almoft every
Day. Gelafius Cyzicenus^s Account of them is,
That when all the Bifhops were gathered together, ac-^*^* ^-^^
cording to cuftoin, there happened many -Debates and
Contentions amongfl the Bijhops, each one having Mat-
ters of Accufation againjt the other. ■ Upon this they
gave in Libels of Accufation to the Emperor, who re-^
ceived them ; and when he faw the parrels of fuch
Bijhops with one another, he faid, &c. and endeavour-
ed to conceal ' the wicked Attempts of fuch Bifhops from

the

^ I cannot help taking Notice here of the xXth Article of Dn

B 's Pofifcript Preface, where he obferves, That the (piKct-^

^i'XPy)lJLQVi^ avS'^i^ mentioned by Theodoric, <i;(;ere according t&
Gelafius^ (piKoKotS^co^i hcuKot, meer Lawmen. If the Dodor
meant to convey to his Reader by this Account, that Gelajias
concradids Theodotitf or that (aelaJiUs h more favourable to this
Affembly than the other, 'tis a grofs Impoficion upon, and Abufe
of his Reader. The i^/A^'3r«;)/9w|W3t/s^ ^tt'J^^s^ in Theodorh evi-
dently relate to the Clergy and Bifliops ; and though Gelajtus
tells us, that there were fome (ptKo^oiS'eo^i Kojkoi, reviling Lay-
men, yet he is far from attempting to vindicate the Bifhops from
the Charge of mutual Rancor and Malice, but gives the fame
Account of the Quarrels between them as the other Hiftorians
do, fixing the Crime diredly upon the z^idKo^oi, or Bifhops.
And when he introduces the Laymen, *tis not upon an Account
very favourable to the Bifhops ; for he tells us. That not only Ibid:
the Bifhops accufed one another, but, that fome malicious Men,
and contentious Laymen, accufed fome of the BipopS, and prefented
their Accufatidns in ^writing to the Emperor, who caufed them to
be burnt, without feeing them, for this Reafon, That 'tioas net
fit tht People pould knoiv the Crimes of the Priefis, left they fould
from thence take occdpon to Sin ^without fear. So that here wcrti
Bifhops accufing Bifhops, and Laymen accufing Bifhops, and the
Hmperor was afraid of letting.the Crimes they were accufed of
come to publick Light, led" the Example of thcfe holy Fathers

F fliould

66 The History ^Persecution.

*' the Knowledge of thofe without Doors. So that, not-
withftanding the Encomiums of this Council, the
evil Spirit had plainly got amongft them ; for af-
ter the Emperor had exhorted them to lay afide all
their Differences, and to enter into Meafures of
Union and Peace, inftead of applying themfelves
to the Work for which they were convened, they
began fliamefuUy to aecufe each other, and raifed
great Difturbances in the Council by their mutual
So2. B.H.(;;(^^j.ggg ^^^ Reproaches. SaUnus alfo faith, they
' ^* ^* ^' were generally a Set of very ignorant Men "^^ and
deftituce of Knowledge and Learning. But as 5^-

fliould be an ErK:onragement to the People to work out all Ini-
quity with greedinefs. In my Judgment, the good Dodor had
better have Jet this Matter alone, and prevented me the Necefli-
ty of telling this fcandaiousStory of the Bifhops at ^ice.

Rem.p.Z/. ^ My Remarket is very angry that I {hould quote this Chara-
der from Sahinus^ and tells me, it ought to he rejecfed, becaufe
Bufebius hath born an honourable Tefiimony to the Ajjejfors of this
Council, But hath he ever born Teftimony to the Knowledge and
Learning of all of them ? They might be a Garland ofJPrieJis with-
out thefe Qiialifications ; or fome of the Flowers of the €arland

1. !• c. 1 7. might have Learning, as Socrates affirms, and yet Sabinus his Cha-
racter of the CoMncVi in general be true. It appears from Sozomen^
that there were two Parties amongft them. Some were for no
Innovations, but for believing what they had received, without
any curious Enquiries into it ; whilft others thought, that old
Opinions ought not to be acquiefced in without Examination.
The former don*t feem to be overburdened with good Senfe^
nor to be much difpofed for Enquiry ; for let ancient Opinions
be ever fo true, 'tis a mean Thing to take them upon Authority,
and an Argument of great Weaknefs or criminal Indolence,
efpecially in the Bifhops of the Church of Chrift, to believe
them by wholefale. For my own part, I make no queftion,
but that amongft three Hundred and eighteen there were fome
Men of Learning ; and I as little doubt, but that amongft fo
great a Number there were many more of a different Charafter;
and if the etvS'^zi <p/A<«'3rcp/9«^oi'g^ and the tJ^/cJ]cu could be fair-
ly computed, I am afraid they would be the true tA«o^s^, or
as it ufually happens, far the greater part of the Aflembly.
There is nothing in the Hiftorians, nor in Reafon, to induce one
to beliive the contrary.

hms

The History of Verse cut lo^. 6f

linus was an Herecick of the Macedonian Se(5t, pro-
bably his Teftimony may be thought exception-
able ; and even fuppofing his Charge to be true,
yet Socrates brings them off by telling us'. That

^ My Remarker thinks 1 divert my [elf with fcofing at ;f^5Rem.p«2,8j
Opinion of the CoHnciVs Infpiration, and fays, that if it be taken 29.
in a qualified Senfe it wiU not appear in fo ridiculous a Light to a
ferious and impartial Enquirer^ becaufe they were Bifhops, and
remarkable for a great many good Qualities, which he reckons
up. I confefs, that Infpiration is a facred Thing, and the Nime
of the Holy Ghoft too aw ful to be fported with ; nor have I
ever feoff ed at the Things themfelvcs, but at the fcandalous Ap-
plication of them to paflionate, revengeful, and imperious Men*
There could but be two Cafes in which this Infpiration caii
pofTibly be fuppofed to have been afforded them, either in their
making their Creed, or condemning their Adverfaries. But
how in making their Creed ? The very Words they made ufe of
they don't appear to have had any determinate Senfe to. Evea
the diftinguifliing Term Confuhfiantial^ they could give no fati&
fa(5iory Explication of ; but after the Council was over, greatly
diffier'd as to the Meaning of it. For when fome of the Bifhops Socrat,
came more ftridly to examine into x.\\t Senfe of it, it caufed, a^l, x, c. %i^
the Hiftorian tells us, A civil War among fi them^ twhich <wa$ like
4 Battle fought in the Dark ; for that they did not appear to under--
fland why they reproached and accufed each other. And the Con-
fequence of thefc Quarrels was a Synod, and the Depofition of
Bufiathius Bifhop oi Antioch, What, did the Holy Ghoft infpire
Words without Meaning ? Or, could the Bifhops fight in the
Dark about the Confubftantiality, if the Spirit had dire(fted them
to the Ufe of it ? Or, were Bufebius and Buftathius and their Par-
ties without Infpiration \ Where then did the Infpiration fall ?
What, upon the ccvS'^ii (pthcL-tffix^^l^^^^-^ ^^^ il'iioldu ? The
Dodor*s Preflimption, that they were in an efpecial Manner under
the DireBion of the Divim Spirit^ and guided in their Refolutions
hy the watchful Care of Providence, is, I prefume, Bnthufiafm
and Cant. Could the Spirit be fuppofed to dired them to Sounds
without Senfe, or to guide them in their Refolutions, when they
did not underftand what they refblved, and refolved upon a ,
Word which fet the whole Chriftian Chuich into Confufion J
Much lefs can their Anathema's, Excominunications, Depofiti-
ons, and Banifliments, be imputed to the DireBion of the Divine
Spirit, *Tij Blafphemy and Impiety to aflert ic ; and the Men
who thus talk of infpiration and the Holy Ghoft, are the Men
that expof^ them to Ridicule and Contempt;,

F 51 ^ they

68 l^he History of Persecution.

they were enlightened by God, and the Grace of
his Holy Spirit, and fo could not poflibly.err from
the Truth. But as fome Men may poflibly que-
ftion the Truth of their Infpiration, fo I think it
appears but too plain, that an AfTembly of Men,
who met together with fuch different Views, were
fo greatly prejudiced and inflamed againft each
other, and are fuppofed, many of them, to be ig-
norant, till they received miraculous Illuminati-
ons from God, did not feem very likely to heal the
Differences of the Church, or to examine with that
Wifdom, Care and Impartiality, or to enter into
thofe Meafures of Condefcenfion and Forbearance
that were neccffary to lay a folid Foundation for
• Peace and Unity.

However, the Emperor brought them at laft to
fome Temper, fo that they fell in good earneft to
Creed- making, and drew up, and fubfcribed that,
v/hich, from the Place where they were affembled,
was called the Nicene. By the Accounts of theTranf-
Thcod. adlions in this Affembly, given by Athanafius him-
E« H. felf, in his Letter to the African Bilhops, it ap-
1. 1. c. 8. pgars, that they were determined to infert into the
Creed fuch Words as were moft obnoxious to the
Arians % and thus to force them to a publick Se-
paration

R^m.p.32, ^ Dr, B. fays this Account is nvYong tttrnd; for that it qvas
not the Design of the Council to infert obnoxious Wordsy or make thQ
Creed exceptionable ; but to guard the antient Faith againfl the
fivtcked Arts and Subterfuge of Her e tick s^ ivho had contrived to elude
the plain Force and Import of Words ^ by concealed and fophifiical
EvaJionSy i. e. Arius and Eufebius^ and their Party, were deter-
mined to fubmiE to the Creed, if they could pofliKly find out any
Meaning to the Words which were made ufe of in it, or put
any tolerable Explication upon them ; and when the Council
faw this, they went on to change the Creed, and add to it fuch
Words as would moft ftrongly exprefs their own Dodrine, and
be abfblutely incapable of being explained away, or fubfcribed
to by thwr Opponents. This my Remarkcr calb^ ^mrding tha

Faith

^he History of Persecution. 69

paration from the Church. For when they refol-
ved to condemn fome Expreflions which the Arians
were charged with making ufe of, fuch as, The

Son was a Creature •,, there was a Time when he was
not^ and the like ; and to eftablifh the Ufe of others
in their room, fuch as, The Son was the only begot--

ten

Taith againft the Suhterfage of Heveticks \ and I call it, Infertwg
ohnoxtous fVords, to force them to a pMick Separation from the
church. I am far from vindicating the Arian Parry in the eva-
live Interpretations they put on the Creeds, and think fuch kind
of Subfcriptions really fcandalous. But, methinks, my Remarker
Ihould be a little Tender on this Head, and not wholly condema
fuch a Pradice as this^ left he fhould be found a little too fe-
verc on fome of his own Brethren. In his Majefty*s Declara-
tion to the Articles of Religion there is this Paflage : So Man here-
after fiall either print or preachy to draw the Article ajide any ivayy
hut fiall Juhmit to it in the plain and full Meaning thereof: and
fball not put his own Senfe^ or Comment to he the Meaning of the
Article^ hut pall take it in the literal and grammatical Senfe.
Now, not to mention the Athanajian Creed, doth the Dodor
think, that all the Clergy do fuhfcribe the Articles honajide in the
literal and grammatical Senfe^ without drawing the Article afide,
or putting their own Senfe or Comment to be the Meaning of
it \ Do they really believe, that the Vault and Corruption of the
Mature of every Many doth in every Perfon born into the Worlds de-
ferve God's Wrath and Damnation ; that we have no Power to do
good Works acceptable to Cod, without the Grace of God hy Chrifi pre-
venting us ; that Works done without the Infpiration of the Spirit y
are not pleafant to Gody yeay that they have the Sature of Sin ?
Or rather , do not the Generality of thofe who fubfcribe
them, if they put any Senfe upon them at all, draw them a
little afide, and put their own Comment upon them ? And will
the Dodor call this by the hard Names of Shtfjlwgy Chtcaney
Suhterfugey Doublings and Prevarication ? Or can't he think of ic
without the greateft Indignation and Abhorrence ? But perhaps
1 fhall be told, that the Articles are capable of two literal Sen-
fes. Very good. And is this an Argument of the Prudence of
the Compilers of them \ Why then, furcly the Fathers of Sice
were not quite fo prudent as the Compilers of the Articles of the
Church of Englandy becaufe they took fuch Care to guard the
Faith, i, e. their own Opinions, againft the wicked Arts and
Subccifuge of Hefeticfcs, as to exclude every double Senfe, and

F 3 io

70 The History of Persecution*

ten of God by Nature^ the JVord^ the Power ^ the on"
Jy JVifdom of the Father, and true God j the Arian$
immediately agreed to it : Upon this the Fathers
made an Alteration, and explained the Words,
From God, by the Son's being of the Su^fiance of God.
Apd when the Arians conlented alfo tp this, the

Bilhops

to render it almoft impoffible for an Arian honefily to fubfcribe
their 'Creed. 'Tis evident that the Arians cpuld, ^nd did put
aSenfe upon feyeral txpreflions of the Creed as firft dra\>^n up;
a Seiife not indeed agreeable to the Sentiments of the Orthodox
Bifhops, but to their own private Opinions. When the Bifhops
faw this they added new Terms more obnoxious, i, e, harder to
be fubfcribed by the Arians ; and at laft, becaufe they could
find no one more difficult, they inferted o^j^o^iaiov rco -Trctjei,
Confubjiantial *with the Father. Now the adding fuch Words to
guard the Faith, as fhould mofl efifcftually prevent the Subfcrip-
tions of the Arian Part^ to it, was, let the Dodor fay what he
will, a defigned Infertion of fuch Words as were moft obnoxi-^
pus to them, and a real Attempt to force them to a publick Se-
paration from the Church. Guarding the Faith is the old fiale
pretence of Perfecutors, by which they would cover their Wick-
ednefs. Pride and Ambition. The true Faith of God and Chrift
needs no fuch Methods tp guard it. It is fafe in its own native
Excellency and Evidence; and all the Methods of Excommunica-
tions, attended by temporal Penalties, and the Terrors of thi^
World, inflead of guarding it, tend todeftroy it, and to intro-
duce Schifms and Fadions into the Church, inflead of promoting
Uniformity of Opinion, or what is much better. The Unity of the
Spirit in the Bond of Peace, An Obfervation, which there are
ten Thoufand Inflances to prove the Truth of ; and of which,
fhe Council of Nice it felf is a Demonflration.
g.$v. pkj$. But rpy Cenfurer imagines, that if the Orthodox had formed
fhe Creed as wide and e:}ftenfive as I plead for, fo as to have
allowed the Arians to fubfcribe to it, this Difference of Opinion
%vouU not have fe cured the Peace of the Churchy but defiroyditn
But I apprehend juft the contrary, and think, I have fubftantial
Reafon to fupport my Opinion. For the Forming the Creed ia
the Manner they did, doth not appear to have changed the Sen-
praents of the Arian Party, nor to have added one (ingle Conr
yert to the orthodox Faith ; nor did their Decree as a Council
add one bit to the Truth and Evidence of what they decreed,
for if thaj Doftfjne was falfe th^ir Decre^ did not make it true ;

The History of Persecution. 'jx

Bilhops farther added, to render the Creed more
exceptionable, that he was ConfuhftantiaU or of the
fatne Siibjlance with the Father. And when the Ari-
ans objeded, that this Expreflion was wholly un^
fcripturai, the Orthodox urged, that though ic
was fo, yet the Bifhops that lived an Hundred and
thirty Years before them, made ufe of it. At
laft, however, all the Council fubfcribed the Creed

thus

if ic was doubtful and undetermined by Scripture, the Fathers
could noc alter its Nature, by making that certain which the
Scriptures left undetermined ; and if it was true, 'twas noc one
joc truer, nor the Evidence of it clearer, after the Decree than
before ; and the Reafbn why Perfbns were bound to believe ic,
was noc the Authority of the Council, buc its agreeablenefs to
Truth and Scripture. And of Confequence the Decree it felf
was no benefit to the Church of Chrilt, and had no Tendency
to fecure ic ; becaufe ic neither afcercain'd the Truth of the Do-
driue, nor prevented thofe Differences of Opinion which the
Dedor thinks would have deftroyed the Churcli. What thea (

was the Effe6t of the Decree, and the Excommunications, and
civil Penalties that accended ic ? Why, in the firfi place, it in-
croduced Hypocrify into the Church ; feveral fubfcribing the
Creed with concealed and fophiftical Evafions. In the next
Place, it raifed incurable Jealoufies and Hatred amongft the Bi-
fhops, and abfolurely deftroyed the Peace of the Church ; and
befides this, ic fpread the very Opinions they would have fup-
prelTed wider and wider, by raifiirg the opprefTed Party Friends
and Favourers, and exciting in them greater Zeal in propagating
their Principles. And to fay all at once, ic introduced that Spi-
rit of Wrangling and Debate about fpeculative Points, both in
the Priefls and People, as quite rooted out the Chriflian Spirit,
and deftroyed the Life and Power of Virtue and true GodJinefs.
Now, except Hypocrify, Envy, Malice, Hatred, Revenge, and
every Thing contrary to real Piety and Goodnefs, tend, in the
Dodor's Opinion, to the Prefervation of che Church, this Creed
was of no real Benefit Co ic ; but, on che other hand, the great-
efl DilTervice to the Honour and Welfare of the Church of Chrifl
that ever was done to ic fince ics fir ft Plancation in the World.
Whereat, had ic been formed with greater Laticpde, and fo
fetrjed as to have made all Men eafy in their Sentiments, no bad
Eflcct could have followed from it. The Peace of the Chriftiaa
Woild would have been provided for, greac HypocnTy would

F 4 have

yz ^he History of Persecution,

thus alter'd and amended, except " five Bifhops^
who were difpleafed with the Word Confubjianlial^
and made many Objeftions againft it ; and of thefe
five, three, viz. Eufebius^ Theognis and Maris ^
feem afterwards to have complied with the reft,
excepting only, that they refufed to fubfcribe to
the Condemnation of Jrius.
Theod. Eufebius, Bifhop of CcEJarea, was alfo in doubt
I. X. c. 1 2 for a confiderable Time, whether he fhould fet his

have been prevented. Orthodoxy would have had its own na-
tural and intrinfick Advantage ; Error would have been left to
its own Weaknefs, and> probably, have died fbon after its rife ;
and as to any remaining Differences of Opinion, they would
have been -managed with Candor and Prudence, greatly to the
Advantage of Truth in general, and to the Recommendation of
the Chriftian' Profeflion and Caufe in particular. 'Tis, indeed,
an effential Error in all who plead for the Suppreffion of Opini-
ons by civil Penalties, that Diverfity of Opinions defiroy the
Church of Chrift. For 'tis not at all eflential to the Being, or
good Order, or Welfare of the Church, that all Men Ihould be
of the fame Judgment in fpeculative Points. For the Kingdom of
Cod is not Meat and Drinks but Rtghteoufnefs and Peace^ and yoy
in the HcJy Ghofi \ and Chriftianity is in an infinitely more flou-
riftiing State, amidft ten Thoufand Diverfities of Opinion, where
fo much of it is believed as to produce Piety, Goodnefi, Juftice,
and Charity, and the like excellent Fruits, than where Merl
are all of one Opinion, and yet defedive in thefe excellent Vir-
tues of the Christian Life.

. " Socrates exprefly mentions five, miz* "Bujehius of K'lcomedia^
Theognis of JSice^ Maris of Chalcedpn, Patrophihts of Scychopolis^
^nd Secundus of Ptolemais^ who difapproved of, and fcoffed ac
the Word Confuhfiantialy and would not fubfcribe It. Theodorit
fays, They ail confented but two. I fuppofe, Eu/etius^ Theog-^
9iis and Maris, did at fir(i refufe to fubfcribe the Creed on ac-
count of this hard Word ; but that afterwards they were terri-
fied into it by the Emperor's Difpleafure ; or elfe prevailed on by
fame fuch foftning Explication of it as fatisfied the other Enfe*
hus of Cafarea, The Accoun?s of the feveral Hiftorians are far
£rom being exaft in this Affair. Socrates is contrary to Theodorit
and Sozomen^ Sozomens Account is contradided by the Syno-
dical Epiille \ and Theodorit is contradided by both Socrates and
^ozomen. And though my PvCmarker fends me to VaJefius^ that
learned Critick doth not fet this Matter in a full Light.

Hand

^he History of Persecution* 73^

Hand to it, and refufed to do it, till the exception-
able Words had been fully debated amongft them,
and he had obtained an Explication of them fuit-
able to his own Sentiments. Thus when 'twas af-
ferted by the Creed, that the Son was of the Father^s
Suhjiance^ the negative Explication agreed to by
the Bifhops was exaftly the fame Thing that was
aflerted by Ar'ius^ viz. that "" He was not a Part of the
Father* s Subfiance. p Again, as the Words begotten^

not

^ Ov fJLZV /WSf ©- ri)f ^(Tlcti etvji^ TVyKAVeiV*
^ Dr. J5. hath feveral Remarks on this Account from Eufebius.
He is a little Genteel to me hercjand doth not bid me to turn to my
Lexicon, or charge me with faife Quotations. What he endea-
vours to prove is. That the Orthodox and Arians accounted for
the fame Words, they both agreed to make ufe of, in a diflfe-
rent manner. But what 1 would obferve is, that as the Ortho^
dox did not feem to have any diflind Ideas to Ibme of the
Words they put into the Creed ; fo when they were called on
to explain them, they gave fuch a Senfe to them as the moderate
Arians could eafily comply with; of which thefe Quotations
from Et4febius are full proof. And though there might be fome
Difference in the Orthodox and Arians about explaining the
Terms, £0 alfo was there amongft the Orthodox themfelves,
they being far from having been of one Mind, or affixing the
fame Senle to the very Words they fubfcribed. The Truth is,
fome of them were very hard Words, and which I have never
feen an explicite poGtive Interpretation of Co this Day, and of
which the Council did exceeding prudently to give a negative
Senfe. The Dodor indeed thinks, fome zealous Catholicks ir(?a/^Rem.p.4i.
have reprefented the Matter in fironger Terms ^ and that this Ex-
flication given by Eufebius doth not contain the full Senfe and
Meaning of the Council I will not anfwer for the Zeal of fome
of the Dodor's Catholicks, ncr pretend to fay, how far it might
have carried them. To me it appears, that Eufebius of Cafa-
rea hath given a true Account of the Debates in the Council,
and that he had puzzled the Holy infpired Fathers about the
Meaning of their own Words ; for he refufed to fubfcribe the
Creed with them, till after long Debates about the Senfe of
It ; and till he had brought them to this Acknowledgment,
that in what foever Senfe the Son was Confubftantial to, or
from the Effence of the Father, yet it did not imply that the
Son was part of the Father's Effence, or that the Eflence of the
Father fuffered any Divilion or Change^ or Alteration wharfo-

evcr

74' ^he History of PERSECuTidjJi

not made^ were applied to the Son, they determin-
ed the Meaning to be, that the Son was produced af-
ter a different Mariner than the Creatures which he
viade^ and was therefore of a more excellent Na-
ture than any of the Creatures, and that the Man-
ner of his Generation could not be underftood.
This was the very Do(ftrine of Arius^ and Eufebius
of Nicomedia, who declared, that ^5 the Son was no.
part of Godj Jo neither was he from any Thing created^
and that the Manner [of his Generation was not to be
defcribed. And as to the Word Confubjtantial to the
Father, it was agreed by the Council to mean no
more, than that the Son had no Likenefs with any
created Beings^ hut was in all Things like to him that
begot him^ and that he was not from any other Hypo-
flafis or Subjiance but the Father'' s. Of this Senti-
ment alfo were Arius^ and Eufebius his Friend, who
maintained not only his Being of a more excellent
Original than the Creatures, but that he was form-
ed of an immutable and ineffable Subjiance and Nature^
and after the moft perfe^ Likenefs of the Nature and
Power of him that formed him. Thefe were the Ex-
plications of thefe Terms agreed to by the Council,
upon which Eufebius of Ccefarea fubfcribed them in
the Creed ; and though fome few of the Arian Bi-
fhops refufed to do it, yet it doth not appear to me,
that it proceeded from their not agreeing in the
Senfe of thefe Explications, but becaufe they ap-

ever ; or that the individual, unbegottcn EflVnce of the Father
could ever become changed or generated. This was a full Ac-
count of w^hat they did not mean ; but how the Son was po(i-
tively Confubftantial with the Father, I don't find they pretend-
ed to account for it. They feem rather to have been oi Conftan-
tines Mind, whom Eufebius reprefents as faying, ^eiot^ y^^
cfTjrof (>jj7o/^ >^o^oi^ ^^(Tr))iei ret roictv]ct voeiv^ the plain tnglifi of
which is, That thefe Things were incapable of being undcr-
ftood or explained at all. Arid of this fame Sentiment was Pope
Alexander-^ who excommunicated Arius.

prehended

7he HisTQRV of Persecution. 75

prehended that the Words were very improper,
and implied i great deal more than was pretended
to be meant by them ; and efpecially, becaufe an
Anathema was added upon all who fhould prefume-
not to believe in them and ufe them. Eufebius of
Cafarea gives a very extraordinary Reafon for his
'fubfcribing this Anathenja, viz. becaufe it forbids
the Ufe of unfcriptural Words y the introducing which he
affigns as the Occafion of all the Differences and Dijiur^
hances which had troubled the Church '^^ But had he

been

^ My Remarker fays, That Bu/ebius doth not mean. That ^//Rem.p.45.
ff/e \of unfcvipural Words would occajion Diffevevces^ hut that only
thdfe which were ujed by Arius had fuch an EffeB, But if Eufe-
hius meant this he was greatly miftaken ; lince feme of the Ex-
preflions ufed by the Orthodox did occafion as great Differen-
ces as any made ufe of by the Arians. The QLiarrel firfi began
from the IJ^q of etyzw^noyzv^^^ and fuch like Terms, by Pope
Alexander^ ani that Quarrel was continued, and rendered irre-^
concilable, by impofing the o//.»c7-/(3- ; or, as Socrates tells us.
The Church was torn in Vieoes by a civil War for the fake of Atha-
naiius, and the Word Confubfiantial. So that if the unfcriptural
Words oi Arius ought to have been rejected, becaufe of the Di*
flurbances they occafioned, the unfcriptural Words of the Or-
thodox ought to have been difcarded for the faaie Reafon ; and
if Eufebius had been confident with himfelf he ought never to
have fubfcribed the Creed. But the Dodor adds, That /^e «;j-Rcv.p.4l«
fcriptural Words of Arius were of f rep Date^ whereas thofe of the
Orthodox were authorized by the Ufage of antient Times, I, on
the other hand, affirm, That fome of Arius's Expreffions were
not new, but authorized by the Ufage of ancient Time*, parti-
cularly, that the Father was prior to the Son ; that there was a
Tirne when the Son was not^ by which God became a Father ; and,
that he exified by the Free-will of the Father. See the Quotations
from yufiin Martyr, Tatian, Teriullian, and Novatian, p. 56,
57» But what fignifies the Oldnefs or Newnefs of the Ex-
preflions ? They are neither falfe nor true on this Account. They
were equally unfcriptural, and the Occafions of great Conten-
tions in the Chriflian Church ; and the Orthodox had no more
Power to oblige the Arians to fubfcribe to their unfcriptural
Words, becaufe they thought they expreiTed the Senfe of Scrip-
ture, than the Arians, when uppermoft, had to oblige the Or*

ihodoj;

7^ ^he History of Persecution.

been confiftent with himfelf, he^ ought nev^r to
have fubfcribed this Creed, for the very Reafon he
alledges why he did it ; becaufe the Anathema for-
bids only the unfcriptural Words of Arius\ fuch as.
He was made out of' nothing ; there was a "Time when
he was not^ and the like 5 but allowed and made
facred the unfcriprural Ejcprefiions of the Ortho-
dox, viz. Of the Father^ s Stibjlance^ and Confuhftan--
iialy and cut oft from Chriftian Communion thofe
who would not agree to them, though they were
highly exceptionable to the Arian Party, tend af-
terwards proved the Occafions of many cruel Per-
feputions and Evils.

In this publick Manner did the Bifhops affert a
Dominion over the Faith and Confciences of others,
and affume a Power, not only to diftate to them
what they fliould believe, but even to anathema-
tize, and expel from the Chriftian Church, all
who refufed to fubmit to their Decifions, and own
Soc. 1 1, their Authority. For ^fcer they had carried their
€• 9- Creed, they proceeded to excommunicate Arius
and his Followers^, and baniflied Arius from Alex-
andria. They alfo condemned his Explication of
his own Doftrine, and a certain Book, called 3j&^-
lia^ which he had written concerning it. After

thodox to fublcribe to theirs for the fame Reafon. And I think,
I know the Dodor well enough to be fure, that he won't fiib-
fcribe to all Words, Interpretations, and Dodrines, which have
been authorized by the Ufage of antient Times. The Truth is,
the Fathers are very venerable when they are for fome Mens
Purpofes, but of no Authority when they are againft them ;
whereas, if they are Authorities in any Point of Dodrine, they
are in all where their Authority can be produced ; and it would
be a moft blellcd Undertaking, if the Dodor, or fome of hi$
Friends, would draw up a Scheme of Chriftian Dodrines and
Morals from thefe Gentlemen, and recommend it to Dcifts and
Infidels for their Converfion, as the true, ancien; Standard, Of-
thodox, and venerable Chriftianity,

this

7y&^ History ^ PERSEcuTIo^J. ^r^

this they Tent Letters to Alexandria^ and to the
Brethren in Eg'^pt^ Lybia^ and PentapoliSy to ac-
^uainc them with their Decrees, and to inform
them, that the Holy Synod had condemned the
Opinions of ^rm, and were fo zealous in this Af-
fair, that they had not patience fo much as to hear
his ungodly Doftrine and blafphemous Words, and
that they had fully determined the Time for the
Celebration of Eafter. Finally, they exhort them
to rejoice for the good Deeds they had done, and
for that they had cut off all manner of Herefy, and
to pray, that their right Tranfaftions might be
eftablifhed by Almighty God and our Lord Jefus
Chrifl. When thefe Things were over, Conjlan-^^^^^*^^
tine fplendidly treated the Bifhops, filled their ^^^' ^^*^^-
Pockets', and fent them honourably home; ad- '^'^'^^^
vifing them at parting to maintain Peace amongft
themfelves, and that none of them fhould envy

*' My Remarker here cries: out. What could our Author mean Jj' Remarks,
that fmeriTJg Exprejjlon of his filling theif Pockets ? And then tf)p« 4ij 4**
move Compaffion ro the poor Church, in Ibfc and melting Ao-
cents groans our, Alas ! 'Their State of Poverty and Difirefs ! The
Eicpences of fach a y^ourney I The good Emperor ! Provijions foi'
thejr Conveyance and Sujienance ! Entertainments and Feajis \ Anii
likewifey fome honour avy Vrefents according to their Dignity \ How
doth his Bowels move at their Diftrefs ! How doth he rejoice at
their Feafls and their Prefents ! I am not difpofed to find fault,
with him on thefe Accounts ; though in my poor Judgment the
Emperor had done much better, had he never fent for them
from their refpedive Szt^y nor paid fo dear for a Creed, that fee
the World in a Flame. Not to add, that if, alas ! the Bifliops
were fo poor as the Doctor reprefents, it might not be altogether
(o prudent to give them a Tafle of the Luxuries of a Court, left
taking a Diflike to their ancient Simplicity of Living, they
fhould grow inro a worldly Spirit, and negled the fpirltual
Welfare and Edification of their Flocks. It might alfo be pro-
ved, that the Bifhops and Clergy before this Council, had found
Methods enough to enrich ihemfelves, and don't appear to have
been in fuch very lamentable Circumftances of Diitrefs and Po-
verty.

ano^

y9 T'/je History of PERSEcuTiONf.

another who might excel the reft in Wifdom and
Eloquence, and chat fuch Ihould not carry thenii-
felves haughtily towards their Inferiors, but con-
defcend to, and bear with their Weaknefs. A plain
Demonftration ^ that he faw into their Tempers^
and was no Stranger to the Pride and Haughtineft
that influenced fome, and the Envy and Hatred
that actuated others. After he had thus difmiffed
them he fent fevcral Letters, recommending and
enjoiningan univerfal Conformity to the CouncilsDc^
crees both in Ceremony and Dodrine, ufing, among
Soc. E. H. other Things, this Argument for it, "Jhal what they
}. I. c. p. had decreed was the Will of God ^ and that the Agree-^
ment offo great a Number of fuch Bifho^s was by Infpu
ration of the Holy Gho/i.

*Tis natural here to obferve, that the Anathe-
ma's and Depofitions agreed on by this Council^
and confirmed by the imperial Authority, were the
Beginning of all thofe Perfecutions that afterwards
raged againft each Party in their Turns. As the
Civil Power had now taken part in the Controvef-
lies about Religion, by authoriling the Dominion
of the Biftiops over the Confciences of others, en-
forcing their Ecclefiaftical Conftitutions, and com-
manding the univerfal Reception of that Faith they

R'Cf2).p.4I» ^ My Cenfurer calls this an ilUnaturd Sttfpicion^ and fays in
his Review, /». 40. There might he better Reafons than either he
or I kriow of for this Advice, But to quote hinilelf, I anfwer, De
9Jon afparentibtis & de mn exifientihtn sadem efi ratio. If one may
judge of Things by their Appearances, there could be no Rea-
fon for his advifing them to live at Peace, but his fterng them
too inclinable to quarrel with each other. If there were no.
Proofs of their Pride, what room for an Exhortation to Humi-
lity and Mceknefs ? If they had given no Tokens of an envious
malicious Spirit, to what purpofe did he caution them againft it ?
If this had been the cafe, he (hould have fent them away with
the higheft Commendations. But he knew them too well. Their
paft Condud was full Proof they needed the Advice, and their
aftqr Behaviour, chat they little regarded it.
I had

"The History of Persecution. 79

had decreed to be Orthodox •, it was eafy to fore-
fee that thofc who oppofed them would employ
the fame Arts and Authority to eftablifh their own
Faith and Power, and toopprefs their Enemies,
the firft favourable Opportunity that prefented :
And this the Event abundantly made good; And
indeed, how fhould it be otherwife ? For Doftrines
that are determined merely by dint of Numbers^
and the Awes of worldly Power, carry no manner
of Conviction in them, and are not likely there*
fore to be believed on thefe Accounts by thofe
who have opce oppofed them. And as fuch Me-
thods of deciding Cont rover fies equally fuit all
Principles, the introducing them by any Party-
gives but tooplaufible a Pretence to every Party,
when uppermoft^ to ufe them in their turn ; and
chough they may agree well enough with the
Views of fpiritual Ambition, yet they can be of no
Service in the World to the Intereft of true Religi-
on, becaufe they arc direftly contrary to the Na-
ture and Spirit of it ; and becaufe Arguments,
which equally prove the Truth and Excellency of
all Principles, cannot in the leaft prove the Truth
of any.

If one may form a Judgment of the Perfons who
compofed this Council, from the fmall Accounts
we have left of them, they do not, I think, ap-
pear to have met fo much with a Defign impartial-
ly to debate on the Subjects in Controverfy, as
to eftablilh their own Authority and Opinions, and
opprefs their Enemies ^ For befides what hath

been

^ Dcflor WaterJand however affures us, That the Council ivas Impof-
made up of the wifeft^ nvorthiejl^ and every way excellent Prelates^ ^s^^ct of
ivhich theChrifiian U'orld could then furnifi^ and that they appear thtVi'mxiy
to have been as iv'jfe^ and as judicious^ and as pious Men as <?^^r ailertcd, p.
thjs Church was adorned ivHh^ Jince th^ tIttjs of the Afojlks. 'Tis 32 ^^ -5 j,

natural

So ^he History ^Persecutioi^.

been already obferved concerning their Temper
E.H.I. I. and Qualifications, Theodorit informs us, that
c. 7. when thofe of the Arian Party propofed in writing
to the Synod the Form of Faith they had drawn
up, the Bifliops of the orthodox Side no fooner
read it, but they gravely tore it 'in pieces, and
called it a fpurious and falfe Confeflion ; and afcef
they had filled the Place with Noife and Confufion,
univerfally accufed them of betraying the Doftrine
according to Godlinefs. Doth f^jch a Method of
Proceeding fuit very well with the Charafter of a
Synod infpired, as the good Emperor declared, by
the Holy Ghoft ? Is Truth and Error to be deci-^
ded by Noife and Tumult ? Was this the Way to
convince Gainfayers, and reconcile them to the
Unity of the Faith ? Or could it be imagined, that
the diflatisfied Part of this venerable Affembly
would acquiefce in the tyrannical Determination of
^ fuch a Majority, and' patiently fubmit to Excom-
munication, Depofition, and the Condemnation
of their Opinions, almoft unheard, and altogether
unexamined ? How juft is the Cenfure paifed by
Gregory Nazianzen upon Councils in general? If^

natural for Men to commend their own Party, and to afcribe
all the Wifdom and Piety to thofe of their own Side. But I make
no doubt, but that if the Council of l^ice had been on the Arian
Side of the Queftion, the learned Dodor and his Friends would
have found out many Things to their Prejudice, and to weaken
thf ir Credit and Authority, from thofe few Hints which remain
in the Hiftorians concerning them; Hiftorians which, tho' Ortho-
dox, could not wholly pals over in filence their Faults, which
were too notorious to be concealed, and too fcandalous, it
feems, to be fully reprefented ; and which by all impartial Men,
who do not fee Things in a Party Light, muft be allowed to be
of fome Weight in the Balance, againft the high extravagant
Encomiums which are thrown in on the other fide. I am lorry
the Chriftian Church could furnilh no better Prelates, and that
thefe Succeffors of the Apoftles had fo much deviated from the
truly excellent Spirit of their Predeceflbrs.

I fays

The History of Persecution^ ^ir

fays he, / muji [peak the Truths this is my Refolution^ Vol. L '
to avoid all Councils of the Bijhops^ for I have ;?c>^Epift.lv^./'
feen any good End anfwered by any Synod v:hatfoever ; ^^•^^^^'
for their love of Contention^ and their lujl of Power ^
are too great even for Words to exprefs. Thc-EnV-£ul^b. de
pcror's Condud to the Bifbops met at JVzV^f ^ is^\^' ^°"^-
lull Proof of the former ; for when they were met ^* ^* *'*
in Council they immediately fell to wrangling and
quarrelling, and were not to be appeafed aind
brought to Temper, till Conjiantine interpofed,
artfully perfuading fome, fhaming others into
Silence, and heaping Commendations on thofe
Fathers that (poke agreeable to his Sentiments.
The Decifions they made concerning the Faith,-
and their Excommunications and Depoficions of'
thofe who differed from them, demonftrate aifo
their affedlation of Power and Dominion. But as
they had great Reafon to believe, that their own
Decrees would be wholly infignificant without the
Interpofition of the imperial Authority to enforce
them, they foon obtained their Defires ; and pre-
vailed with the Emperor to confirm all they had
determined, and to injoin all Chriftians to fubmic
themfelves to their Decifions.

His firft Letters to this purpofe were mild and^ufeb. m
gentle: But he was foon perfuadcd by his Clergy ^^^'^-*
into more violent Meafures ; for out of his grcat^' *
Zeal to extinguifh Herefy, he put forth publick
Edids againft the Authors and Maintaincrs of it ;
and particularly againft the Novatians, ValentinianSj
Marcionifis^ and others, whom after reproaching
with being Enemies of Truth, deflru^live Counfellors,
and with holding Opinions fuitable to their Crimes^
he deprives of the Liberty of meeting together
for Worfliip, either in publick or private Places,
and gives all their Oratories to the Orthodox
Church, And with refpeft to the Arians^ he ba-Soz. hi;

G nifhed^'*^^

82 I'he History ^PersecutioiJ.

Soc. 1. 1, TviihtA Arius himfelf, ordered all his Followers,
••^- ' as abfolute Enemies of Chrift, to be called Por-
pbyrians^ from Porphyrius an Heathen, who wrote
againft Chriftianity ; ordained that the Books
written by them fhould be burnt, that there might
be no Remains of their Doftrine left to Pofterity ;
and moft cruelly commanded, that if ever any one
fhould dare to keep in his Poffeflion any Book
written by Jrius^ and Ihould not immediately
burn it, he Ihouid be no fooner convided of the
Crime but he Ihould fufFer Death. He afterwards
put forth a frefh Edift againft the Recufants, by
which he took from them their Places of Worfbip,
and prohibited not only their meeting in publick,
but even in any private Houfcs whatfoever.

Thus the Orthodox firft brought in thePunilh-
ment of Herefy with Death ", and perfuaded the
Emperor to deftroy thofc whom they could not

eafily

Remarks, u tj^Js fingle Paflage hath given my Cenfurer great Un-
f. 1 8. eafinefs ; and he hach tried fcveral Ways to clear the Orthodox
froQi this Charge. Firft he politively aflerted, that the fan-
guinary Law againft thole who fhould conceal any of Arius*%
Books was mentioned only by Sozomeny and that fjot in th$
Form of Words in vjhich it was enaBed : But when I produced
him in my Anfwer the very Law it felf from Socrates , he had
the grace publick ly to own his Miftake, and renounce, what
Review, no one evt r charged him with, Infallibility. Being driven out
^•24. of this Hold, he then thinks it worth his while to inquire,
whether the ArJam were not before- hand with the Orthodox,
to raife Perfecution without the imperial Authority. But by
his good Leave this Inquiry is nothing to the Purpofc, and could
he prove it, it would not invalidate my Account, that the Or-
thodox firft brought in the Punifhment of Hertfy with Death ;
which is the fole Point he ought to have kept to. Nor can
I think that the imperial Authority is any Vindication of Per-
fecution, but on the contrary an Aggravation of the Evil ; the
tftablifhing Iniquity by a Law being a much more grievous
Thing, than any private unauthorized Crimes, becaufe 'tis
giving a Sandion to Wickcdnefs, and perpetuating it amongtt
Mankind,

But

The History g/^ Persecution. gj

cafily convert. The Scriptures were now no longer
the Rule and Standard of the Chriftian Faith.
Orthodoxy and Herefy were from henceforward
to be determined by the Decifions of Councils and

Fathers,

But how is It the Doftor would prove his Point, that the'
Arians were beforehand in raifing Perfecution? Why, becaufe
'tis certain that Alexander complained greatly of Arius and his
Adherents, as raifing Tumults every Day, and Perfecutions
againft him. What if he did? Did not Arius al£b complain ofEpift* Ari|
Alexander ^ ort ^JLiyctKcoi y)u.A^ iKTTo^^e^ K) ex.J^taKeiy )y 'ttavta^P^^^
KetKeov ttivei )tcty i)ixov, that he did griemujly worry and per^ Theoi
ficute hirxiy and ufe all Methods to dejlroy him^ and drove him outp* *!•
of the City as an Atheifi ? Doch he not alfo intimate that
Alexander had threatned him with Death ? Did not Alexander
begin the Quarrel by excommunicating and banifhing Arius,
and his Companions ? And is it not reafonable to thmk that
they would endeavour to do themfclves right in Courts of
Juflice, and fue the BiQiop before the civil Magifirate for fuch
violent and tyrannical Proceedings ? Triefe unqueflionably were
the Suits which the proud Pope calls vexatious, and by which
he tells us Chriftianity, i, e. himfelf, and his arbitrary Adions,
were expofed. If the Proceedings of the Ecclefiafticks were
illegal and wicked, the Appeal to the Lay-Tribunal was juft
and neceflary ; and they only anfwerable for the. ill Confe-
quences, who gave occafions to fuch Appeals, Alexander ap-
pears beyond all difpute to have begun the Perfecutions in the
Arian Gontroverfy. When the Dodor adds, that Pope Alexi
ander intimates that fome of the Catholicks did aHually lofe their
Lives by means of the Arians, I muft take upon me abfolutely to
deny it, there being no fuch Intimation in all his Letter ;
the Words, vrz^ cov tl^ ATTod-vixntofjLtv^ upon account of which
we die, or are ready to die, relating to Alexander himfelf, as
will be obvious to every one who reads the whole PaflTage :

TeiVTct J^tJ^etfTKOlJLiV, 7AUTa, m^vrloiJLZVy TCtUTd. rm iKK\i1(TICt^
TA ATOTOKlKA J^oyfJLATA^ VTTi^ COV Ki^ A'7r0^m(T)i0lJl.ZV \ thefs

afoflolical DoBrines of the Church nve teach, and preach, for the
fake cf qxphich ive are alfo ready to die ; little regarding thofe who
would compel us to abjure them, even tho they would force us by
Torments, And 'tis my Comfort for once, that I can prove this
Account to be true by fo great an Authority as that of my
Cenfurer. For tho' he falfely conftrues or interprets ctTod-VYitT'
KOfjLcv, fome of the Catholicks dtd aHually lofe their Lives, yet he
lefcra the laft Pare of the Sentence to Alexander only ; He declares

G 2 he

34 ^^^ History of Persecution.

Fathers^ and Religion to be propagated no longer
by the apoftolick Methods of Perfuafion, For^^
bearance, and the Virtues of an holy Life, but
by inmperial Edidts and Decrees \ and heretical
r - ^ Gain-

fo would not forfake the Catholick DoftrJne, the* they ftiould
diftrefs him by Tortures. And indeed that Alexandet fpeaks of
himfelf only, is as evident as Words can make it : TTgf tav
K^ Awod-viiaKofXiUf Tcov z^oyLvv^cu ctvTct ^iA<^ofj}{j^v m']ov -jrg*
pe^UTiKOTUy ei ;4 <^'«t ^ct(rctvcov ctvctyytct^^o'i* As to Aiba*'
vafitts his Character of Alexander^ and reprefenring him as a
Confeflbr, I confcfs *tis of little weight with me. I have no
doubt but that Alexander had Trouble enough ; but as 'cwas
of his own raifing, and the EfFeft of his own vexatious Spirit
and Behaviour, he is no more a Confeflbr in my Efteem, than
Laud is a Martyr. And as to Conftantwe's Letter aoainii Eufe^
liusy charging him with Murders and Seditions ; it appears to
have been penned by fome furious Ecclefiafticks, who endea-
voured to load him with Crimes, after they had perfwaded the
Emperor to banifti him. But that the Emperor either believed
nothing of thefe Things, or foon found out the Falftiood of the
Charge, feems very plain; becaufe Eufebius was foon after
reftored to his Favour, and continued in it to the Emperor's
Death. But even fuppofing Eufebius really guilty of thefe
Grimes, it doth not appear that he committed them, till after
he had been oppofcd, excommunicated, and unjuftly dealt
with himfelf; and till this be proved, my Cenfuref doth no-
thing in fupport of his main Point, viz. to fhew that the Avians
were really before the Orthodox in Perfecution. This is what
I take upon me to deny, till I fee fome better Proofs than what
roy Do6lor hath produced.
Review, ^ 'Tis with as little Probability and Truth what he farther
f, i#, intimates, viz. that Confiantine's Severities were not meant
^roi^Qv\y to punifi any Differences of Opinion, hut rather infiiBed
en a civil Account, viz. for th« refiraining of Incendiaries, and
prcferving the publick Peace. To ftiew how poor and wretched
this Evafion is, I will here give the fanguinary Edid at large,

Confiantine to the Bifiops and People.

** Since Arius hath imitated wicked and ungodly Men, 'tis
** juft that he fhould undergo the fame Infamy with them.
** As therefore Porphyrius, an Enemy of Godlinefs, for his
?* having coropofed wicked Books againft Chriftiaixity, hath

?? found

I'he History g/' Persecution. 8^

Gainfayers not to be convinced, that they might
be brought to the Acknowledgment of the Truth
and be faved, but to be perfecuted and deftroyed.
'Tis no wonder, that after this there Ihould be a

con-

^* found a fuitable Recompence, fo as to be infamous for the

" Time to come, and to be loaded with great Reproach^ and

*^ to have all his impious Writings quite deftroyed ; fb alfo 'cIs

^^ now my Pleafure, that ArwSy and thofe of Arius his Sen-

*' timents, {hall be called Porphyrians, (b that they may have

*^ the Appellation of thofe, whofe Manners they have imitated.

^' Moreover, if any Book compofed by Arius fhall be found,

** it fhall be deliv^ered to the Fire; that not only his evil

^^ DoBrtne may he dejlroyed, but that there may not he the

*^ leaft Remembrance of it left. This alfo I injoin, that if any

** one fhall be found to have concealed /tny Writing compofed

•^ by Arius^ and fhall not immediately bring it and confume ip

** in the Fire, Death fhall be his Punifhment ; for as foon as

^^ ever he is taken in this Crime, he fhall fuflPer a capital Punifti-

^' ment. God preferve you/' L fubmit it to every Reader,

whether this bloody Ed id: doth not purely relate to Opinions,

and was not publifhed merely on a religious Account, as well

as what to think of the Man, that endeavours thus to palliate

and difguife the plaineft Fads*

This, and other Laws of the like cruel Nature, were the
Beginning of thofe Evils which afterwards fpread fuch Defb-
lation in the Church ; and for this Reafon I obferved, that the
Orthodox firft brought in the Punifhment of Herefy with Death.
This my Remarker calls a very extraordinafy invidious il5/?^<5F/V;?, Remark?,
hecaufe^ as he lays, it amounts to thisy that the Jirft chrifiianp. i8.
Emperor being on the Orthodox Jlde^ his Laws^ and the Penalties
enforcing them^ were on the fame fide alfo ; and in his Review ^K^^'i^yr^
Iftill injlfi, that the imperial Laws of this fort being jirfi on the p. 14.
fide of Orthodoxy^ was a Thing as purely accidental^ as it was
that the firft Chrifiian Bmperorfiould be himfelf Orthodox. Let it
be as accidental as he pleafes. And what then ? What would
he infer from thence ? What, that the Law was ever the
better ? Or that the Bifhops, who prompted the Emperor ro
make it, were more wife and merciful \ Or that it fandified the
Injuftice or Cruelty of it ? That it was the firfl Edid of this
kind he can*t deny, any more than he can, that it was fetting
a bloody Example to all Parties in their turn, and to all future
Ages. And as it was the firft Example, 'twas an infamous and
df cefiible one ; and ;he Advifers and Authors of che Law,^

S6 ' 7^^ History ^ Persecution.

continual Flu6luation of the publick Faith, juft
as the prevailing Parties had the imperial Au-
thority to fupport them, or that we fhould meet
with little elfe in Ecclefiaftical Hiftory but Vio-
lence and Cruelties committed by Men who had
left the Simplicity of the Chriftian Faith and Pro-
feflion, enflaved themfelves to A mbition and Ava-
rice, and had before them the enfnaring Views of
temporal Grandure, high Preferments, and large
EpifltXiii. Revenues. * Since the Time that Avarice hath en--
creafed in the Churches^ fays St. Jerom^ the Law ts.
ferijhed from the Priefty and the Vifion from the
'Prophet. Whilji all contend for the Episcopal Power ^
which the^ unlawfull'j feize on without the Church* $
leavey they apply to their own Ufes all that belongs to
the Levites. The miferable Priejl begs in the Streets — *
They die with Hunger who are com?nanded to bury
ethers. They afk for Mercy *ivho are commanded to

lee them be who they will, ought to be thought of with Ab-
horrence, for introducing a Fradice, not only contrary to all
the Principles of reveard Religion, but to the firft Didates of
Humanity it felf ; and it would much better become a Clergy-
man, who by his Ofee ought to abhor Measures of Blood, and
to know that the God of Mercy ii not to be ferved by Laws for
the Dtilrudion and Butchery of Mankind, frankly to own the
Wickednefs and Injuftice of fuch Edifts, than to argue in defence
of them, or to extenuate their Guilt, I allow as well as he
tha: the Arians were equally criminal in this Rcfpcd ; but t
infill on it, that the Orthodox firft fet them the Exaimple, and
were therefore in fome meafure acceflbry to all the Outrages
and Violence afterwards pradifed by them.

* Nunc autem ex quo in Ecclefiis crevit Avaritia, periit Lex
de Sacerdote, & Vifio de Propheta. Singuli quiqj pro Potent! a
Epifcopalis nominis, quam fibi ipfi illicite abfq; Ecclefia vendi"
caverunt, totum quod Levitarum eft in ufus fuos redigunt' ■■ ■
Moriuntur Fame qui alios fepelire mandantur. Pofcunc mifere-
cordiam, qui mifereri aliis func preccpti—— Solus incubac Di-
vitjis— ~Hinc propter Sacerdotum Avaritiam Odia con(urgunt,
hinc Epifcopi accufantur a Clericis, hinc Principum Lites, hinc
iUeiblacionucQ Caufle^ hinc Origo Criminif*

. ' havi

The HisTORV of PERSECUTIo^y. 87

have Mercy on others :. The Priefts only Care is to

get Money Hence Hatreds arife through the Ava-

rice of the Priefls ; hence the Bijhops are accufed by
their Clergy ; hence the parrels of the Prelates ;
hence the Caufes of Defolations ; hence the Rife of their
fVickednefs. Religion and Chriftianicy feem indeed
to be the leaft Thing that either the contending
Panics had at heart, by the infamous Methods
they took to eftablifli themfelves and ruin their'
Adverfaries,

If one reads the Complaints oi^ the Orchodo:)!:
Writers againft the Arians^ one would think the
Arians the moft execrable Set of Men that ever
lived, they being loaded with all the Crimes that
can poffibly be committed, and reprefented as bad,'
or even worfe, than the Devil himfelf. But no
wife Man will eafily credit thefe Accounts, which
the Orthodox give of their Enemies, bccaufe, as
Socrates tells us, This was the Practice of the BifbopsE. H, 1. il
towards all they depofed, to accufe and pronounce them^* *4»
impious^ but not to tell others the Reafons why they
accufed them as fuch. 'Twas enough for their Pur-
pofe to expofe them to the publick Odium, and
make them appear impious to the Multitude, that
(o they might get them expelled from their rich
Sees, and be tranflaced to thetn in their room.
And this they did as frequently as they could, to
the introducing infinite Calamities and Contufiong
into the Chriftian Church. And if the Writings
of the Arians had not been prudently deftroyed,
I doubt not but we fliould have found as many
Charges laid by them, with equal Jufticc, againft
the Orthodox, as the Orthodox have produced
againft them -, their very Suppreflion of the Arian
Writings being a very ftrong Prefumption againft
them, and the many imperial Edifts of Confiantine^
fb^odqfiusy Vakntinian^ Martian^ and others, againft

G 4 Hcretickix

S^S The History of Persecution.

Hereticks, being an abundant Demonftration that
they had a deep Share in the Guilt of Pcrfe-
cution.
•Theod. yf/^^^;;^(?r, Bilhop of Alexandria, in his Letter
?• I- c. 4>5'j.Q tj^g Biftiop of Conjiantinople, complains that Arius
• and others, defirbus of Power and Riches, did
'Day and Night invent Calumnies, and were con-
tinually exciting Seditions and Perfecucions againft
liim ; and Jrius in his turn, in his Letter to Eufe-
lius of TSicomediay with too much Juftice charges
Pope Alexandg' with violently perfecuting and
opprcffing him upon account of what he called
the Truth, and ufing every Method to ruin him,
driving him out of the City as an atheiftical Perfon,
for not agreeing with him in his Sentiments about
the Trinity. Athanafius alfo bitterly exclaims
againft the Cruelty of the ArianSj in his Apology-
Vol I. fpr hJs Flight. Whom have thef not^ fays he, ufed
^*7pXk ^^-^^ ^^^ greatefi Indignity that they have been able
■' to lay hold of? Who, hath ever fallen into their Hands ^
ihat they have had any [pile againft, whom they have
fiot fo cruelly treated, as either to murder or to maim
him? What Place is there where they have not left
the Monuments of their Barbarity ? What Church is
there which ■ doth not lament their Treachery againft
their Bijhops ? After this paffionate Exclamation
h^ mentions feveral Bifhops they had banifhed or
put 10 Death, and the Cruelties they made ufe of
CO force the Orthodox to renounce the Faith, and
to fubfcribe to the Truth of the Arian Doftrines.
But might it not have been afked, Who was it
that firft bfoiight in Excommuhications, Depo-
fitions, Banifhm^nts, and Death, as the Punifh-^
rnents of Herefy?" Could not the Arians KCti^
ininate with Juftice? Were they not reprq^ched
as Atheifts, anathematized, expelled their Churches,
cxiledj and madfe liable to the Puniflimcnt of.Dcath

The History of Persecution.

by the Orthodox ? Pid not even they who com-
plained of the Cruelty of the Ariam in the moft
moving Terms, create numberlefs Confufions and
Slaughters by their violent Intrufions into the Sees
of their Adverfaries? Was not Athanaftus himfclf
alfo accufed to the Emperor, by many Bilhops and
Clergymen, who declared themfelves Orthodox,
of being the Author of all the Seditions and Diftur-
bances in the Church % by excluding great Mul-
titudes

7 The whole Account, as given by Sozomen^ is this : Eufe-
})lu5 of Kuomedia and Theognis accufed Athanajiifs to Confiantine^
as the Author of Seditions and Diflurbances in the Church, and
as excluding many who were willing to enter into it ; whereas
all would agree, if this one Thing was granted. Many Bifho^s
and Clergymen affirmed thefe Accufations againft him were
true ; and going frequently to the Emperor, and affirming them-
felves to be Orthodox, accufed Athanafius and the Bilhops of
his Party of being guilty of Murders, of putting fome in Chain^ji
of Whipping others, and Burning of Churches. Upon this
Athana^us wrote to Confiantine^ and (ignified to him that hi^
Accufers were illegally ordained, made Innovations upon the
l)ecrees of the Council of Nice ^ and were guilty of Seditions and
Injuries towards the Orthodox. Upon this Confiantine was ac
a lofs which to believe j but as they thus accufed one another,
and the Number of the Accufers on each fide grevv troublefome
to him ; out of his Love of Peace, he wrote to Athanajius that
he fhould hinder no-body from the Comniunion of the Church ;
and that if he (hould have any future Complaints of this Nature
againft him, he would immediately drive him out of AlexaTjdria.
The Reader will obferve, that the Charge againft ^/iE>^;?^j?«j Soz. 1. i,
brought by EidJebtHS and Theognis^ was confirmed by many Or-c. li,
thodox Bifhops, in the very Prefence of the Emperor ; and that
Athanafius^ inftead of denying it, objtds to the Ordination and
Orthodoxy of his Accufers, and charges them with a bad Treat-
ment of the Orthodox; and that the Evidence on both C\Ac&
appeared fb ftrong, that the Emperor knew not which to be-
lieve ; but that however he was at laft fo far convinced of the
faftious, turbulent Spirit of Athanajius^ that he ordered him to
open the Doors of the Church, under pain of Banifhment.

Btfides this, there were other Crimes imputed afterwards to

Athanajius ; fuch as his impofino ITribrJte of Linen, and fend-

^S ? ^^'^i*^^ ^f ^°^^ loHilt^menus to fupfort him in Sedition.

90 57^^ History ^Persecution.

titudes from the publfek Services of it ; of mur-
dering fome, putting others in Chains, punifhing
ethers with Stripes and Whippings, and of burning
Philoftorg. Churches? And if the Enemies of Atbanaftus en-
Compen. deavoured to ruin him by fuborned Witneffes and
E. H. ].8. f^jfg Aocufations, Atbanaftus himfelf ufed the fame
'^* Practices to deftroy his Adverfarics^'i and parti-
cularly EufeUus of Nicomedia, by fpiriting up a
Woman to charge Eufebius with getting her with
Child % the Fallhood of which was dcteded at the

Council

Review ^y Reviewer is very angry, bepr.ule I did nqr mention th^fc

p. 44. * ^^^ * ^^^ ^^^ Reafbn was becaufe the Hifiorian tells us he cleared

^' himfelf from them. But was not his Acquittal from thefe Crimes

^ confequential Difproof of the reft \ No : For may not a Man be

guilty of Violences and Murders, without being guilty of Trea-

Ion too \ Thefe Accufations were laid at different Times, and

made by different Perfons. Many Bifhops affirmed AthanafiHS

was guilty of Murder, Sacrilege, &^c, whereas there do noc

appear ro have been many Perfops produced as Witncfles to the

Sqc. p. 6?,*^*^^^^°'^' ^^'^ ^^ ^^^ Emperor difmiiTed him with a Teftimonial

'of his Innocence in this Refpcdl, the Do^or (houid^ f think,

have commended my Impartiality in not mentioning thefe

Things, inftead of finding Fault with me for my omitting

them.

* Mv Remarker is out of all Patience with mc for mentioning

this Affair.^ and plentifully difcharges his Ecclcfiafiical Artillery

Remarks again ft me and my Voucher. Imptidencey Partiality^ Forgery^

p.ad^Aj, ^^gotry^ Lyes^ Virion, ^nA Suhornatiori-i are the facred Weapons of

his Warfare, and the pious Teftimonials of hi? ardent Zeal.

And becaufe I did not think fit to furrender at fuch an Attack,

he affaulrs me in his Review with greater Fury, and tells me

Review ^ ^^ infexihly perverfey incapable of ConviBiqrfy avd abandoned to

p. 45. believe a Lye, How dreadful a Thing 'tis to differ from the

learned Dr. Berryman ? But who ca^n help his F^te i 'Tis my

Unhappinefs to be inflexible fliU ; for the Truth of the Faft is

this : Kufjinus tells a Story how Athanajlus was accufed of a

Rape at 7>r^, and that i? was proved to be a Forgery ; and

after him, and probably from hiip, Sozomen and Theodop^ tell

the fame, /. e. there is one Hifiorian tells the Story in favour

of Athanajins. On the othei^,han(i PhiloJiorgiuSy who lived buc

^ fe^ Years afcer Ruffifiu^^ tells tb« farng Story of a Rape and %

- ■ forgery i

The History ^Persecution. 9I

Council of "Tyre. His very Ordination alfo to the
Biftioprick of Alexandria^ was cenfured as cl^n-
deftine and illegal ^ Thefe Things being reported

Forgery ; but fays that Jthanajiuslwzs the Forger, and con*
vided of being fb at the Council of Tyre, That there is no
Certainty in the Account as told in favour of Athanajitis^ is Rem.p«47
plain, becaufe Sozomen fays he found nothing of it in the kti%
of the Synod of Tyre \ and becaufe neither Athanafius^ in his
Account of the Proceedings of that Synod, nor the Council of
Mexavdria^ Romey and Sardicay in their Synod ical Epiftles,
written with defign to purge Athanajius from the Crimes ob-
jcded at Tyrey have made any, the leaft Mention of it ; and
my Dodor doth not take upon hiai to defend the Matter againft
fuch Sufpicipns. So that the Account of Ruffijjus^ that Atha^
najlus was accufcd by Subornation^ and acquitted at Tyrcy the
Dodor will not defend ; fo great are the Sufp^cions againft the
Truth of It. But then he adds, to be fure ?h\\o{korgmss Accounf^
hath fjo ground y becaufe *tir the rever/e of Ruffinus'i, and ivhoUy
unattefled by all other Evidence. But as the Account of Ruffinus
IS very fufpicious, why may not the Account of Philofiorgius be
true? Why, becaufe 'tis unattefted. And how fo? Becaufe the
Orthodox took care to deflroy all the Evidence by burning the
Writings of the Arians ; and this gives great ground of Sul-
pition, that the Writings of the Arians contained many Evi*
dences and Fads, which the Orthodox had ito way of dif-
proving, but by quite deftroying thofe Writings. Impartial
Men will not think very favourably of the Orthodox Party,
after fo notorious an Inflance of Injuftice and Partiality ; and
philofiorgius^ % Evidence will lUll be at leaft as good as that of
Ruffinus and his Copiers.

* His Ordination cenfured! fays my Remarker : But by whom ? Remar^l^
By Mr. Chandler perhaps, and fuch as he. As if Mr. Chandlery^, 48.
andfu:h as he, were not capable of judging about the Regularity
of an Ordination ; or as if Dr, Berrymany and fuch as he^ were
the only Perfbns in the whole World whofe Cenfures were to be
regarded. If Mr. Chandler had affirmed this without citing hi$
Authority, Dr. B. and fuch as he, would have had reafon for
Complaint / but as the Cafe now ftands. Dr. Berrymaffs Con-
tempt ^s as unnatural, as his making L^;/^, that tyrant Prieft,
a Martyr; a Martyr fit for a Popifti Calendar, but a Reproach
and Scandal to a Protcftant one. The Evidence againft Atha^
pafiusy as to his Ordination, is far from being contemptible :
For at the Council of f^rt he was accufed by fcvcral of diver* Soz.p 48a
% ^ Crimes i

93 ^^^ HisTOHY of Persecution.

Soz. 1.2. to Conjtantine^ he ordered a Sy pod to meet at
c. a5,i8. QcBjarea in Palefiine^ oi y^hi^h^hcc: Eufebm Pam-r

Crimes ; but all in common accufed him of coming to his
Biftioprick by the Perjury of his Orci?.'iners, and for this Reafon
they rcfuftd to communicate vviih him; and inftead of his
giving them any Satisfadion in this Point, he ufed Violence to-?
"Vvards them, and threw them into Jail. Some of thefe Accufers
were Biihops^ and one v/ould chink for this Reafon fhould de-
ferve fome Credit/ But the Dodor adds. The Council *we fee
dropped the Charge, But I beg leave to know where we can fee
this ? Can the Do(^or produce the A<Ss of the Council of Tyre ?
If not,, he hath the Credit ^ <which I am fure I pant envy hinty
of affirming, 'without Blufiing and without Proof, that the
Council difmiffed .this Charge. But doth not firegory Nazianzen
;iffirm that he was chofen by the Suffrage of all the People ?
Jle doth, But what is this to difprove the Evidence of
many Bi(hops his Accufers, who publickly declared chat his
Prdainers were perjured, in the Face of the Council; who
in Prudence could not have made fuch a Declaration, if Atha--
pajlus^s Ordination had been known to be as regular, as is prer
tended. Many of the Bifhop^ of, Tyre muft have been able tq
have falfified the Charge immediatelyj had it been notorioufly
tnown to have been wholly without Foundation, or hr:d th^
Reoularicy of his Ordination into that Patriarchal See been be-
yond all reafonable Quefiion. As to the Alexandrian Syn|d,
their Account might be fb far true, that he was chofen by the
iSuffrage of the People, and ordained at their Requet'l ; and yet
his Ordination might be illegal, and by the Perjury of his Or-
E. H. dainers: Fox^^s-Sozomen tells us,the Biihops had proraifed upon Oath
p. 480. that no-body fhould be ordained, before he had cleared himfelf
of the Crimes objected to him. if then any of the Bifhops, who
ordained him, had taken this Oath, and yet ordained him be-
* fore he had cleared himfelf of the Gfimes he was charged with,

it was really Perjury in them, and liis Qrdination was fo far
illegaL. . If thQ AiexarJri/r:2 C;oyncjll|s I^etterdeferves any Credit,
that C),rdh?ation was condudcij/with^eat Violence and Tumult :
Athanaf. For, as-they thoiifelves relate U, all the People mcL together.
Vol. I. and with great Clamour demanded Ath/tnapis (ot their Bifhop;
p. 716. and fwpre tU^t w^-ftiou^d make iiim fp'feveral Days and Nights,
Edit.Parif. and would, not depart from the Church themfelves, nor fuffer us
to go away. So ;hat whether they had taken the Oath or pq,
they were- forced to ordain himhy.path3:^nd Noife,andClamouf ;
fo far was fe Qrdination, a^ the Doctor affert^, frop being with-
ppt Tumult,

^he HisTORT* of PE*SE(Jiff¥toir. ^f

philm Was Bifhop, before whom Athanafius refufed
to appe^n But after the Council was il-emoved ta
T^re be was obliged by force to come thither, and
commanded to anfwer to the fevferal Grimes oh*
jeftcd againft him. Some of them he- cleared him*
felf of, and as to others he defired mdre'Time for
his Vindication \ At length, after maiijf Seffions,

V^ botli

^ My Remarker fays, Whai 'Mixture of PiBion atid Paftialiif
is here \ I am at a lofs to ^nd a7)y thing like this in the Hifio^
riam^ but I think I fee flain Footjieps of the contrary. In anfwer
to chis Charge of Fidion, I produeed him the original Paflage
from Sozomen ; upon which he tells ine, in his Revieiv^ that Jb^RevieWj
is inclined to think that ^oromtn might mtphke that for a Delays* 47».
0/ AthanafiuSj <which another Hifiorian impiuted to the Councils
But what figaifies Inclination againft Fad ? A partial Writer
always writes with an Inclination to his favourite Side of the
Quefiion, and can never be expeded to write Truth. Atha--
nafiAs certainly r':T.ired Time for his Vindication in fome of
the Articles objected to him ; Time, I did not fay intended for
Delay of yuftice^ but to put in his Anfwer and vindicate himfelf.
And whereas the Doftor talks of Heaps of Crimes in the genera!^
mentioned in the ivay of Clamour and Defamationy without the
Appearance of any Proof that ivas offered ; he ftiould remember,
that this is the general Account of an Orthodox Hifiorian, who
took care to mention Things only in the general, without en-
tring into many Particulars of his Accufation, or the Proofs by
which they were fuppcrted. If we had the Afts of the Council,
Things might probably have a quite different Appearance ; for
in their Letters to the Bifliops they cell them, that he was con-
vifted of the Crimes they had examined him about, and con*
demned by his Flight on other Accufations to which he had
not pleaded; Unqueftionably thefe Things were recorded ia
the Council A9:s ; and before I can judge Athanafius quite clear,
I muft infift on it that my good Doftor produce them.

The Doftor fays farther, That *ivhere they pretended to ^/^ff Remarks,
Proofs the Matter ended in the Shame and Confufton of his Ac-^'. 50.
fufers ; and for this he inftances in the Cafe of the Subornatioa
of the Woman to prove him guilty of Whoredom, which yet the
Doftor doth not feem to believe the Truth of himfelf ; and ia
the Affair of JrfeniuSy whom Athanafius was charged with
murdering. *Tis true, Athanafius difproved it by producing
Arfinius alive. But how did his Accufers come of? Why,

Theodorit

94 ^^^ History of Persecution,

both his Accufers, and the Multitude who were
prefent in the Council, demanded his Depofition
as an Impoftor, a violent Man, and unworthy the
Priefthood. Upon this Athanaftus fled from the
Synod ; after which they condemned him, and
deprived him of his Bilhoprick, and ordered he
Ihould never more enter Alexandria, to prevent his
cxcicing Tumults and Seditions. They alfo wrote
to all the Bifhops to have no Communion with him,
as one convifted of many Crimes, and as having
convided himfelf by his flight of many others, to
which he had not anfwered. And for this their
Procedure they afligned thefe Reafons : That he
defpifed the Emperor's Orders, by not coming to
Ctsfarea \ that he came with a great Number of
Pcrfons to STyr^, and excited Tumults and Diftur-
bances in the Council, fometimes refufing to an^
fwer to the Crimes objefted againfl: him, at other
Times reviling all the Biftiops ; fometimes not
obeying their Summons, and at others refufing to
fubmit to their Judgment ; that he was fully and
evidently convidled of breaking in pieces the facred
Cup, by fix Bifliops who had been fent into Eg^pt
to inquire out the Truth. Athanaftus^ however,

Theodorit fays they called Athavajius a Sorcerer, and accufed
him of deluding the Eyes of the People by magick Arts. But
where did Theodorit pick up this Story, and where are hi$
E.H. Vouchers? Sozamen^ who had feen the Ads of the Council,
p. 481. gives this different Account of it ; that his Accufers vindicated
themfelves, by faying that PluJlamSy one of Athanajius*& Bifhops,
burnt Arfeniys's Houfe by Aihanajlms Command, tied him to
a Pillar, whipped him with Thongs, and thruft him into a
Dungeon. That Arfenius efcaped thro' a Window, and that
becaufc after a long Search they could not find him, they rea-
fonably thought he was dead. Upon this Athanafius was ftrucic
with Terror, and imagined his Enemies would privately murder
him, and fo fled from Tyre to Confiavtinople, So that even this
Story doth not turn out exceedingly to Athanajiuj^^ Honour.

appealed

Th€ History ^ Persecutio!^* 95

xi^^tz\tdi to Confiantine\ and prayed him, that heSoz. E,H.
might have the Liberty of making his Complaints P-.488,
in the Prefence oi his Judges. Accordingly Eufe-"^^^^ 492.-
hius of JSicomedia^ and other Bifhops, came to Con^

fiantinople^

^ 1 had (aid in my former Edition, tKat tho' Athanafius gave
fuch a Repceftntation of the Councils Tranfaftions to Conjian*
tive^ as greatly offended him, yet when Bufebius and others
laid the whole Matter before him^ he alter'd his Sentiments,
and banilhcd Athanafius into France. Upon which my Re-^
marker cries our^ Did Eufebius then lay the whole Matter beforeK^xiu^^i^
the Emperor ? What Truth or Honefiy can wi expeB from the Man
thatfiall affirm it? fiut in his RevieiV he retrafts a little, and
fays he hopes I ivill he better f leafed that he foftem the dbarge,
and imputes my Mifiake not to want of Truth and Honefty^ but to
Temerity and want of judgment ; i. e. he will excufe me from
being a Rogue, if 1 will be humbly contented to let him call
me a Fool. The firft is a Specimen of his Honour, and the fe-
cond of his Civility and good Manners. However, I freely
give the Gentleman his Choice, and am in no pain which of
the two he fhall think fit to beftow on me ; but will a little
examine what he offers to foften or invalidate this Account.
The firft is, that Sozomen is a later Hifiorian than Socrates and Fabric.
Theodorit. But this is not true ; they were all Contemporaries, Bib. EccL
and wrote their Hifiories much about the fame Time. Probably
Theodorit might be feme what the older Man, tho' even that doth
not appear with any great Certainty. Well, but Socrates and
Theodorit affirm, that the Bifhops when they appeared before
the Emperor dropped all that had been faid of the broken Cup,
and had recourfe ro another Accufation, which was the Caufe
of Athanafius'z Banifhment. But I think this Account doth not
by any means feem probable : For as Sozomen affirms the con-Soc. E. H.
trary, fo Socrates tells us, thar Theognis and Maris^ Urfacius]. j. c. J5«
and ValenSy who were fent into E^pt to inquire into this
Affair, were adually at Conjlantinople with Eufebius, And as
the Council of Tyre, in their circular Letters to the Bifhops, to
give an Account of their Proceedings, affirm that Athanafius was
ifully convided in this Cafe, 'tis not likely that thofe Bifhops,
who were the proper Wicnefles, fhould omit this Part of the
Accufation, when they were giving an Account of the Council's
Condud towards Athanafius ; efpecially if, as Theodorit intimates, Theod.
they had mentioned this amongfl other Charges, in their Letter 1. i, c. 30«
to the Emperor from Egypt, But it feems two of thefe Bifhops
were Knaves. What then? Why it may well be prefumed,

thac -

^6 The HisToftv of PEftsiicuf iom.

fiantinople^ where Athanafius was ; and in an Hear-
ing before the Emperor, they affirmed that the
Council of Tyr/? had. done juftly in the Caufe of
jitbanafiusy produced their Witneffes as to the
breaking of the facred Cup, and laid many other
Crimes to his Charge. And tho' Athanajm feems
to have had the Liberty he defired'of confronting
his Accufers, yet he could not make his Innocence
appear : For nocwithftanding he had endeavoured
to prejudice the Emperor againft what they had
done, yet he confirmed their Tranfaftions, com-
mended them as a Set of wife and good Biftiops, ^
cenfured Athanafius as a feditious, infolent, inju-
rious Perfon, and baniihed him to TCreves in France, •
And when the People ofJlexandriaj of Athanafius* %
Party, tumultuoufly cried out for his Return,
jfintony the Greats a Monk, wrote often to the
Emperor in his Favour. The Emperor in return

Review, that the reft were either Partners in their Guilty or impofed on hy
P. 5 5. their l^aud. As above, they were Knaves or Fools; and all
of them fo, becaufe two of them were errant Knaves, There
is no anfwering fuch an Argument. But 'tis certain the Alex-
andrian Council, and the younger Conftantiney excule the Sen-
tence of the Emperor againft Athanafius^ as intended for his
better Security : This I do not deny. But in opposition to this,
Conftantine the Elder, who ftiould know his own Mind better
than his Son, abundantly intimates, that he baniflied him as
a feditious, troublefome Fellow, and would not recall him for,
that very Reafon ; without mentioning one Word about Atha-
nafius\ Safety. And *tis very probable that Athanafius^ who
lived in the younger Confiantine's JurifJidion, helped that young
Prince to that Evafion, the better to falve his own Honour*
Indeed the Dodor himfelf feems to allow that Confiantine the
Elder had no very good Opinion of him ; for he fays, that
Review ^^^ Htftorian intimates that (Conftantine looked on him as a trou^
p. <8. blefome Man in general ^ and fince the Council had condemned hint^
nvould not be prevailed nvith at that Time to confent to his Kefio^
ration. So that the Sentence of the Council had, by Dr. Berrif-
man% Confeffion, at leaft its Wei-hc to keep the Saint in Ba-
nilhment, as a Diflurber of the publick Peace,

wrote

The History of Persecution. * ^7

wr(3te to the Alexandrians^ and charged them with
Madnefs and Sedition, and commanded the Clergy
and Nuns to be quiet ; affirming he could not alter
his Opinion, nor recall Athanafius^ being condemned
by an ecclefiaftical Judgment as an Exciter of Sedition.
He alfo wrote to the Monk, telling him it was
impofTible he Jhould difregard the Sentence of the
Councily becaufe that tho' a few might pafs Judg-
ment thro' Hatred or Affecftion, yet it was not
probable, that fuch a large Number of famous
and good Bifliops fhould be of fuch a Senciment
and Difpofition -, for that Athanafius was an inju-
rious and infolent Man, and the Caufe of Difcord
and Sedition.

Indeed Athanafius^ notwithftanding his fad Com-
plaints under Perfecution, and his exprefly calling
it a diabolical Invention, yet feems to be againft ^^ ^^ip;
it only when he and his own Party were perfccuted,^ ^ •
but not againft perfecuting the Enemies of Orcho-p^^°/^^,
doxy. In his Letter to EpEletus^ Bifhop of Corinth^
he faith, 1 wonder that your Piety hath fuff ere d thefe^'^^* ^\
HhingSj {viz. the Herefies he had before-men-^* ^ ^*
tioned) and that you did not iinmediately put thofe
Hereticks under Rejtrainty and propofe the true Faith
to them ; that if they would not forbear to contradiSi
they might be declared Hereticks ; for 'tis not to be
endured that thefe Things fhould be either faid or heard
amongft Chrifiians. And in another Place he fays,
that they ought -to be had in univerfal Hatred for ^^^^* ^*
oppofing the Truth \ and comforts himfelf, that the^°"^^^^'
Emperor, upon due Information, would put a Stop '
to their Wickednefs, and that they would not be
long liv*d. And to mention no more, I therefore^^^\^'
exhort you ^ fays he, let no one be deceived y but ds^'^^^'
though the Jewifti Impiety was prevailing over the
Faith of Chrifi, be ye all zealous in the Lord. And^- ^9^*
let every one boldfaji the Faith be hath received from

H the

98 ^he History ^j/* Persecution.

the Fathers^ which alfo the Fathers met together at
Nice declared in Writings and endure none of thofe
who ma'j attempt to make an^ Innovations therein.
'Tis needlefs to produce more Inftances of this
kind ; wholoever gives himfelf the Trouble of
looking over any of the Writings of this Father,
will find in them the mod furious Inve6tives againft
the Ariansy and that he ftudioufly endeavours to
reprefent them in fuch Colours, as might render
them the Abhorrence of Mankind, and excite the
World to their utter Extirpation.

I write not thefe Things out of any Averfion to
the Memory, or peculiar Principles of Atbanafms.
Whether I agree with him, or differ from him in
Opinion, I think my felf equally obliged to give
impartially the true Account of him. And as this
which I have given of him is drawn partly from
Hiflory, and partly from his own Writings, I
think I cannot be juflly charged with mjfrepre-
fenting him. To fpeak plainly, I think that Atha-
fiaftus was a Man of an haughty and inflexible
Temper, and more concerned for Victory and
Power, than for Truth, Religion, or Peace.
The Word Confubfiantial^ that was inferted into the
Soz. 1. z. J<[icene Creed, and the Anathema denounced a-
*^' '^' gainft all who would or could not believe in if,
furnifhed Matter for endlefs Debates. Thofe who
were againfl it cenfured as Blafphemers thofe who
ufed it; and as denying the proper Subfiflence of
the Son, and as falling into the Sabellian Herefy.
The Confubftantialifts on the other fide reproached
their Adverfaries as Heathens, and with bringing
in the Polytheifm of the Gentiles. And though
they equally denied the Confequences which their
refpeftive Principles were charged with, yet as the
Orthodox would not part with the Word Confub-
ftantialy and the Avians could not agree to the Ufe

^he History of Persecution. 99

of it, they continued their unchriftian Reproaches
and Accufations of each other. Athanafius would
yield to no Terms of Peace, nor receive any into
Communion, who would not abfolutely fubmit to
the Decifions of the Fathers o^ Nice. In his Letter Vol. I.
10 Johannes and Antiochus he exhorts them to holdP'95i^
fall the Confeflion of thofe Fathers, and to reje5i all
who /hould fpeak more or lefs than was contained in it.
And in his firft Oration againft the Arians he de-
clares in plain Terms, *' That the exprefllnga Per-P« ^PiV
*' fon's Sentiments in the Words of Scripture was
*' no fufficient Proof of Orthodoxy, becaufe the
** Devil himfelf ufed Scripture Words to cover his.
*^ wicked Defigns upon our Saviour; and even
*« farther, that Hereticks were not to be received,
** though they made ufe of the very Expreflions
«« of Orthodoxy it felf." With one of fo fuf-
picious and jealous a Nature there could fcarce be
any poffible Terms of Peace; it being extremely
unlikely, that without fome kind Allowances, and
mutual Abatements, fo wide a Breach could ever
be compromifed. Even the Attempts of Conftan^
tine himfelf to foften Athanafius^ and reconcile him
to his Brethren, had no other Influence upon him,
than to render him more imperious and obftinate;
for after Arius had given in fuch a Confeflion of Soc 1. 1.
his Faith as fatisfied the Emperor, and exprefly^*^?*
denied many of the Principles he had been charged
with, and thereupon humbly defired the Emperor*s
Interpofition, that he might be reftored to the
Communion of the Church ; Athanafius^ out of
Hatred to his Enemy, flatly denied the Emperor's
Requeft, and told him, that 'twas impofllble for
thofe who had once rejefted the Faith, and were
anathematized, ever to be wholly reftored. This
fo provoked the Emperor, that he threatened to
depofe and banifti him, unlefs he fubmitted to his

H 2 Order;

;ioo 51&^ History ^Persecution.

Id. Ibid. Order; which he (hordy after did, by fendii^
^•35* him into France^ upon an Accufation of feveral
Bifliops, who, 2iS Socrates intimates, were worthy
of Credit, That he had faid he would ftop the
Corn that was yearly fent to Conjlantinople from
the City of Alexandria ^. To fuch an Height of

Pride

• ^ We have feen in^the laft Note, that the Emperor banifhed
Athamjltis in deference to the Judgment of the Council who
depofed him. But what confirmed him. in his Relolution to
do it, was this additional Crime of which he was accufed,
• which threw the Emperor into a Tranfport of Paffion. Eufebius
and the ocher Bifhops affirmed, that they had this Account
' from four other Bifhops ; and Socrates the Hillorian plainly in-
timates that the Accufation was of great Weigh:, becaufe the
Accfifers feemed to the Emperor to be *u,^orthy of Credit ^ viz. becaufe
of their Epifcopal Charader, and Stations in the Church,
Remarks, Dr. Berrymans Remark here is exceeding remarkable^ viz. tie
p. 60. - Credit afcribed to thefe Accufers could be no other than what the
Office and Station they nvere in might give them with unthinking
People, Their OfficQ and Station was that of Bifhops in the
Chriftian Church; and ic feems that this Epifcopal Office and
'Station gave them no Weight but with unthinking People.
J thought the Epifcopal Office was facred and ^ure Divino, by
dired Succeflion from the Apoftles without Interruption ; and
that this Office might give fome Credit even to thinking People.
But the Dodor fhall have his own Way ; and let us allow that
.none but unthinking People give any Credit to the Office, who
were' thefe unthinking People that gave Credit to thefe Bifhops ?
Why truly the Emperor himfelf ; for to him was Athanajius
accufed, and by him was he banilhed. So that the poor Em-
peror was an unthinking Creature, to give any Credit to the
^Epifcopal Office and Station ; and the Dodor pays his Com-
pliment to Majcfty and Epifcopacy with equal Politenefi, in
reprefenting Confiantine as a Fool, and his Bifhops as I

know not what.

But to this Charge <was very reasonably objeBed the great IfK'

probability of the Things continues the Doftor, that a Per/on of

fo lonv a Fortune Jhould attempt a Matter of fo high a Sature.

A^hzn.O^» Athan^Ji us* s Account, as it appears in the Synodical Letter, is

V. I* ^^^^h ^^^'^ ^^^^^ ^ private and poor Man be able to do fuch Things ?

p. 730. How a private or poor Man, when he was Biftiop of the large

and rich See of Alexandria ? Bufchius in the Prefence of the

Emperor

The History ^Persecution. ioi

Pride was this Bifhop now arrived, as even to
threaten the Sequeftration of the Revenues of the
Empire. Con/ianline alfo apprehended, that this
Step was neceflary to the Peace of the Church,
becaufe Athanaftus abfolutely refufed to commur
nicate with Arius and his Followers.

Soon after thefe Tranfaftions ^m; died, and^^^^^^t.
the Manner of his Death, as it was reported by.g^-J^ ^^"^
the Orthodox, Athanaftus thinks of it feif fufE-p. ^Jp^
cient fully to condemn the Arian Herefy, and anSio.
evident Proof that it was hateful to God. Nor did
Confiantine himfelf long furvive him -, he was fuc-
ceeded by his three Sons, Conftantine^ Conjlaniius^
and Conftans, Confiantine the eldeft recalled yi/^/^-^oc. 1.2.
naftus from Banifhment, and reftored him to hiSg ,
Biftioprick ; upon which Account there arofe mode, ^\
grievous Quarrels and Seditions, many being kil-
led, and many publickly whipped by Athanaftus'^:
Order, according to the Accufations of his Ene-
mies. , Conftantius^ after his elder Brother's Death,
convened a Synod at Antioch in S^ria^ where Atha-
naftus was again» depofed for thefe Crimes,* and
Qregor^ put into the See of Alexandria. In this
Council a new Creed was drawn up, in which the^oz. ]. g,
'Word Confub/fantial was wholly omitted, and the^- ^'
ExprelTions made ufe of fo general, as that they ^^^'^ * ^*
might have been equally agreed to by the Or-

Emperor affirmed with an Oath, that Athanaftus was rich and
powerful, and able to do thefe Things. Nor can his Riches
or his Power be reafbnably oueftioned ; nor is ic to be imagined
that the Emperor would have credited fo heinous an Accufacion,
if there had not been fomethingmore than mere hearfay Evidence;
or th^x. Athanajius would not have defended himfelf before the
Emperor with a better Argument than only to deny the Charge,
if he had had any one flronger to have made ufe of. The Bifliops
had long before this found out the Art of making great Gain by
GodlineG, and well knew how to fpiric up a Wrty to accom-.
jpJifh their Defigns.

H 3 thodo>t

102 "The History of Persecution.^

thodox and Avians. In the Clofe of it fcveral
Anathema's were added, and particularly upon all
who Ihould teach or preach otherwife than what
this Council had received, becaufe, as they them-
felves fay, "The) did reall'j believe and follow all Things
delivered by the Holy Scriptures^ both Prophets and
Apojiles. So that now the whole Chriftian World
was under a fynodical Curfe, the oppofite Councils
having damned one another, and all that differed
from them. And if Councils, as fuch, have any
Authority to anathematize all who will not fubmit
to them, this Authority equally belongs to every
Council ; and therefore 'twas but a natural Piece
of Revenge, that as the Council of ISIice had fent
all the Arians to the Devil, the Arians^ in their
turn, fhould take the Orthodox along with them
for Company, and thqs repay one Anathema with
another,

Conjlantius himfelf was warmly pn the Arian

fide, and favoured the Bilhops of that Party only,

and ejefted Paul the Orthodox Bifhop from the

See of Coytflantinople^ as a Per fori altogether un-

Soc. 1 5. worthy of it, Macedonius being fubftituted in his

C.4- room. Macedonius was in a different Scheme, or

at leaft expreffed himfelf in different Words both

Athanaf. from the Orthodox and Arians^ and aflcrted. That

de Sana, j}^^ ^q^ ^^5 j^^^ Confubftantlal, but oy.omcr/i^^ not

"^""•^•^'of the fame, but a likeSubftance with the Father;

and openly propagated this Opinion, after he had

Soc. 1 1, thruft himfelf into the Bifhoprick of Paul. Thi?

^' '^' the orthodox Party highly refentcd, oppofing Her^

mogenes^ whom Conjlantius had fent to introduce

him ; and in their Rage burnt down his Houfe,

and drew him round the Streets by his Feet till

they had murdered him. But notwithftanding the

Emi:eroi's Orders were thus oppofcd, and his

Officers killed by the orthodox Party, he treated

^ ^ them

^he History of Persecution. 103

them with great Lenity, and in this Inftance pu-
nifhed them much lefs than their Infolence and
Fury deferved. Soon after this Athanafius andSoc. 1. ;j;
Faul were reftored again to their refpedive Sees i^- ^S»
and upon Athanafius*^ entering Alexafidria great
Difturbances arofe, which were attended with the
Deftrudion of many Perfons, and Athanafius ac-
cufed of being the Author of all thofe Evils.
Soon after Paulas return to Conjlantimple he was
banilhed from thence again by the Emperor's
Order, and Macedonius re-entered into Poffcflion
of that See, upon which Occafion three Thoufand
one Hundred and fifty Perfons were murdered,
fome by the Soldiers, and others by being preffed
to Death by the Croud. Athanafius alfo foon fol-c 17.
lowed him into Banifhment, being accufed of fel-
ling the Corn which Conftantine the Great had
given for the Support of the Poor of the Church
of Alexandria % and putting the Money in his own
Pocket s and being therefore threatened by Con-

fiantius

* My Remarker, in his ufual Scile, calls this a fenfekfs Accu-V^trnziks^
fation J and cries out in a Tranfporc, Tes, he avas accufed: And^* 6|.
ivhat then ? So nvas cm hkjfed Saviour accufed of Blafphemy and
Treafon^ And when I took the Liberty to ask him, whether he
would intimate hereby, that he was as innocent of the Crimes
charged on him as Chrift was ; he replies, with a kind of Hefi-
tation, why truly ^ I do not mean to make a flriH Comparifon (?/Rev3ew,
him with our bleffed Saviour, If he intends to make any, 1 amP* ^^*
fure the Egyptian will make but a fcurvy Figure, when com-
pared with that amiable and perfect Pattern of Humility and
Innocence. And as to my felf, my good-natur*d Cenfurer tells
the World, that I have not any Spark of higenuity, or real Senfe
of Honour; a Cenfure that would have made me greatly uneafy,
had it come from a Perfon capable of judging what Ingenuity
and Senfe of Honour mean. The Emperor Cqnjiantius believed Athao;
this Charge; and in one of his Letters fays, that he could notV. i:
clear himfelfof any of the Crimes objefted to him, Inftead of p. 69$,,
this he excited the Emperor's Brother Confians to begin a civil
War^ that he hirafclf might be recalled frgm, the Banifttnent

H 4 ~ ift^V)

p. 695,

104 "The History of Persecution.

^antius with Death. BUt they were both a little
while after recalled by Conjians, then banilhed
again by Conftantius •, and Paul^ as fome fay, mur-
dered by his Enemies the Arians^ as he was car-
rying into Exile ; though, as Athanafius himfelf
AJSol. owns, xkit Arians exprefly denied it, and faid that
Vit. Ag. he died of fome Diftemper. Macedonius having
^* ^^' thus gotten quiet Pofleflion of the See of ConfiaH"
^i«c|p/<?5 prevailed with the Emperor to publifh a
Soc. 1.2. Law, by which thofe of the Confubftantiai, or
^' ^7. orthodox Party, were driven not only out of the
Churches but Cities too, and many of them com-
pelled to communicate with the Arians by Stripes
and Torments, by Profcriptions and Banifhments,
and other violent Methods of Severity. Upon the
Ad Confl-Baniftiment ot Athanafius^ whom Confiantius in his
■^P?^' Letter to the Citizens of Alexandria calls an Im-
poftor^ a Corrupter of Mens Souls, a Dijturber of the
City^ a pernicious Fellow, one conviBed of the worfl
Crimes, not to bS expiated by his fuffering Death ten
"Times, George was put into the See of Alexandria,

into which he was fent upon this Accnfarion ; and as the Cir-
cumftances and Proofs that Confiajitius proceeded upon in this
Affair are not tranfmicted to us, 'tis impoffible to clear ^?^^-
TiafitiS from all Sufpicion. I allow that the Council of Alex-
andria endeavour to juftify him ; But then the Council of An-
tioch, which was near as large, accufed him. But fays the
Dodor, it doth not appear that they faid any thing of the Corn :
No, becaufe Care hath been taken that their Letter fhopld never
appear at all. And if they did, he adds, it could not have the
fame Weight nvith the Tefiimony of the Bifiop ^f Egypt. Why not ?
Were all the ninety or hundred Bifhops at Antioch Knaves or
Fools ? Did they accufe him without Evidence, or cenfure him
without Examination \ The Charge is plain, that he did fell
the Corn for his own Ufc, and the Fad: certain, that he was
partly banilhed on this Account ; and iho' we now want Evi-
dence to fupport the Charge, 'tis plain there was fome Evidence ;
and that as this Evidence is fupprefltdj it hath no favourable
J^fpcft'ort ^/^^;7/?/?«i*s Caufe,

whoni

^he History of Persecution. 105

whom the Emperor, in the fame Letter, ftiles
a mofi venerable Perfon^ and the moji capable of all Cont. At.
Men to injlru5i them in heavenly Things \ though Orac i.
Jthanafius^ in his ufual Stile, calls him an Idolater^- ^^^*
and Hangman^ and one capable of all Violences^ Ra*
pineSy and Murders ; and whom he actually charges
with committing the moft impious Adtions and
outragious Cruelties. Thus, d,% Socrates ohferves,!*^. c. 25,
was the Church torn in pieces by a Civil War for
the- fake of Aihanafius and the Word Confub-
fiantial.

The Truth is, that the Chriftian Clergy were
now become the chief Incendiaries and Difturbers
of the Empire, and the Pride of the Bifhops, and
the Fury of the People on each fide were grown
to fuch an Height, as that there fcarce ever wa?
an Election or Reftoration of a Bifhop in the larger
Cities, but it was attended with Slaughter and
Blood. Aihanafius was feveral Tim,es banifhed
and reftored, at the Expence of Blood ; the Or-
thodox were depofed, and the Arians fubftitured
in their room,- with the Murder of Thoufands ;
and as the Controverfy was now no longer abput
the plain Do6lrines of uncorrupted Chriftianity,
but about Power and Dominion, high Prefer-
ments, large Revenues, and fecglar Honours ;
agreeably hereto, the Bifhops were introducedSoc. 1. a.
into their Churches, and placed on their Thrones, c. i5> i6«
by armed Soldiers, and paid no Regard to the ^
Ecclefiaftical Rules, or the Lives of their Flocks,
fo they could get Poffeflion, and Jceep out their
Adverfarics : And when once they were in, they
treated thofe who differed from them without Mo-
deration or Mercy, turning them out of their
Churches, denying them the Liberty of Worfhip,
putting them under an Anathema, and perfccu-
fing them with innumerably Methods of Cruelty ;

io6 The History ^PERSEcuTioNf

as is evident from the Accounts given by the Ec-
clefiaftical Hiftorians, of Athanafius^ Macedoniusn
George^ and others, which may be read at large
in the forementioned Places, In a Word, they
feemed to treat one another with the fame impla^
cable Bitcernefs and Severity, as ever their com-
mon Enemies, the Heathens, treated them ; as
though they thought that Perfecution for Conr
fcience fake had been the diftinguifhing Precept of
the Chriftian Religion ; and that they could not
more effeftually recommend and diftingui(h them-
felves as the Difciples of Chrift, than by tearing
Am. Mar. and devouring one another. This made Julian^
lis. «. 5. the Emperor, fay of them, "That he found hj Expe-
rience^ that even Beajls are not fo cruel to Men^ m
the generality of Chriftians were to one another.

This was the unhappy State of the Church in
the Reign of Conjiantius, which affords us little
more than the Hiftory of Councils and Creeds
differing from, and contrary to each other $ Bifhops
depofing, ccnfuring, and anathemati?:ing their Ad-
verfaries, and the Chriflian People divided into
Factions under their refpeftive Leaders, for the
fake of Words they underftood nothing of the
Senfe of, and ftriving for Viftory even to Blood-
flied and Death. Upon the Succeffion of Julian to
the Empire, though the contending Parties could
not unite againft the common Enemy, yet they
were by the Emperor's Clemency and Wifdom
Soc. 1. J. kept in tolerable Peace and Order. The Bifhops
^* ^* which had been banifhed by Conflantius his Prede-
ccflfor, he immediately recalled, ordered their
Effefts, which had been confifcated, to be reftored
to them, and commanded that no one Ihould in-
jure or hurt any Chriftian whatfoever. And as
i. ai. c. S'jimmianus Marcellinus, an heathen Writer of thofe
Times, tells us^ he caufcd the Chriftian ^illiops

and

TJ&^ History of Persecution. 197

and People, who were at variance with each other,
to come into his Palace, and there admoniflied
them, that they Ihould every one profefs their
own Religion, without Hindrance or Fear, pro-
vided they did not difturb the publick Peace by
their Divifions. This was an Inftance of great
Moderation and Generofity, and a Pattern worthy
the Imitation of all his Succeflbrs.

In the beginning of Julianas Reign fome of the^oc. I $.
Inhabitants of Alexandria^ and, as was reported, p,^» ^' "f*
the Friends of Athanafius, by his Advice, raifed^;^ * ^^
^ great Tumult in the City, and murdered George^ *
the Bifhop of the Place, by tearing him in pieces,
and burning his Body •, upon which Athanafius
returned immediately from his Banifhment, and
took PoffcfTion of his See, turning out the Ariam
from their Churches, and forcing them to hold
their Affemblies in private and mean Places*
Julian^ with great Equity, fcverely reproved the
Alexandrians for this their Violence and Cruelty,
telling them, that though George might have greatly
injurW them, yet they ought not to have revenged
themfelves on him, but to have left him tq the
Juftice of the Laws. Athanafius^ upon his Refto-
ration, immediately convened a Synod at Alexan-
dria^ in which was firft afTerted the Rivinity of the
|loly Spirit ^, and his Confubftaqtiality with the

Father

^ Dr. Berryman hath here two tedious Pages of Remarks i^em.p.6i,
;^bouc the Pneumatii^achi, and other Things, of which I have
not faid one Word. The Confubftantialicy of the Spirit with
the Father, was here firft aflerted by a Synod ; which is plainly
enough the Meaning of my Words, if a Man hath not a Mind
ip cavil where he hath no need. He himfeif allows, that the
moft antient Catholicks were not fo full and exprefs in their
Alfertions of the Spirit's Divinity : and that the Isicene Council
had profeffed only in general to believe in the Holy Sp»ric.
But it feems the l^icem Council was not orthodox or explicit
' enough

io8 T'&e History of Persecution.

Philofi.17. Father and the Son. But his Power there was

^' ^l' but fhort ; for being accufed to Julian as the De-

ftroyer of that City, and all Egyptj he faved hini-

rheod. ftlf by flight, but foon after fecretly returned to

1.4.0.2. Alexandria^ vihtvt he lived in great Privacy till

the Storm was blown over by Julianas Death, and

the Succefiion of Jovian to the Empire, who. re-

ftored him'to'his See, in which he continued un-

difturbed.to.his Death.

Althoujgh Julian behaved himfelf with great
Moderation, upon his firfl Acccffion to the im-
perial Dignity, towards the Chriftians, as well as
others, yet his Hatred to Chriftianity foon ap-
Soc. 1. ^ peared in many Inftances. For though he did not,
:.i4, fifr.iii^e the reft of the Heathen, £lmperors, proceed
to faqguinary Laws, yet he commanded, that the
Children of Chriftians fhould not be inftrudled in
the Grecian Language and Learning. By another
Edi6t he ordained. That no Chriftian Ihould bear
^ny Office in the. Army, nor have any Concern
ih the Diftribution and Management of the pub-
Theod. lick Revenues. He taxecf very heavily, and de^
^ 3» C'6y manded Contributions from all who would not fa-
^^* crifice, to fupport the^vaft Expences he was at in
his Eaftern Expeditions. And when the Gover-
nors of the Provinces took Occafion from hence to

enough for Athanajtus ; and therefore, as tho* the Word Con-
fubfiar.tial^ as applied to the Son, had not created Quarrels and
Bloodflied enough, he, upon his Return from Banilhmenc, as
a kind of Creed-maker general, applies the fame Word to the
Spirit too, and gets a Synod to {lamp it with their Authority*
The Do6tor asks, What Blame can be due to Athanafius on this
Account ? A little, furely, for mending the l^icene Creed, making
, himfelf wifer than all thofe Fathers, and adding Fuel to the
Fire of Contention. He was refolved to have his Will, and
add fynodical Authority to his own Words and Opinions, tho*
he confumed himfelf, and the Church of God ia the Flames that
he kindled. Thus much for Athanafius.

opprefs

The History of Persecution. 169

opprefs and plunder them, he difmiffed thofe who
complained with this fcornful Anfwer, Tour God
hath commanded you to fuffer Perfecution! He alfo
deprived the Clergy of all their Immunities, Ho-
nours, and Revenues, granted them by Conjian^
tihe^ abrogated the Laws made in their Favour,
and ordered they fhould be lifted amongft the
Number of Soldiers. He deftroyed feveral of their
Churches, and ftripped them of their Treafure and
facred Veffels. Some he punifhed with Banifh-
ment, and others with Death, under pretence of
their having pulled down fome of the Pagan
Temples, and infulted himfelf.

The Truth is, that the Chriftian Bifhops and
People fhewed fuch a turbulent and feditious Spirit,
that 'twas no wonder that Julian ihould keep a
jealous Eye over them ; and though otherwise a
Man of great Moderation, connive at the Seve-
rities his Officers fometimes praftifed on them.
Whether he would have proceeded to any farther
Extremities againft them, had he returned Vifto-
rious from his Perftan Expedition, zs Theodoriil%* c.zu
affirms he would, cannot, I think, be determined.
He was certainly a Perfon of great Hum.anity in
his natural Temper ; but how far his own Super-
flition, and the Imprudencies of the Chriftians,
might have altered this Difpofition, 'tis impoffible
to fay. Thus much is certain, that the Behaviour
of the Chriftians towards him, was, in many In-
ftances, very blameable, and fuch as tended to
irritate his Spirit, and awaken his Refentment.
But whatever his Intentions were, he did not Jive
to execute them, being flain in his Perftan Expe-
dition,

He was fucceeded by Jovian^ who was a Chri-Soc* 1. 5.
ftian by Principle and Profeffion. Upon his re-c-i4»*5'
turn from Perfta the Troubles of the Church

imme-

no ^hs History c/ Persecution.

immediately revived, the BiQiops and Heads of

Parties crouding about him, each hoping that he

would lift on their fide, and grant them Authority

Theod. i^Q opprefs their Adverfarics. AthanafiuSy amongft

4- c. 4» others, writes to him in favour of the Mcene Creed,
and warns him againft the Blafphemics of the
Ariam ; and though he doth not direftly urge him
to perfecute them, yet he tells him, that 'tis ne-
ccffary to adhere to the Decifions of that Council
concerning the Faith, and that their Creed was
Divine and Apoftolical ; and that no Man ought
to reafon or difputc againft it, as the Arians did.
A Synod alfo of certain Bifhops met at Antioch in
S'^ria ; and though feveral of them had been Op-
pofers of the ISIicene Doftrine before, yet finding
that this was the Faith efpoufed by Jovian^ they .
with great Obicquioufnefs readily confirmed it,
and fubfcrib*d it, and in a flattering Letter fcnt it
to him, reprefenting that this true and orthodox
Faith was the great Center of Unity. The Fol-
lowers alfo of MacedoniuSy who rejeded the Word
Confubjiantial, and held the Son to be only like to
the Father^ mofc humbly befought him, that fuch
who aflerted the Son to be unlike the Father might
be driven from their Churches, and that they
themfelves might be put into them in their room ;
with the Bifhops Names fubfcribed to the Petition.
But Jovian^ though himfelf in the orthodox Do-
ctrine, did not fuff'er himfelf to be drawn into Mea-
fures of Perfecution by the Arts of thefe tempo-
rizing Prelates, but difmiffed them civilly with this
Anfwer : / bate Contention^and love thofe only that
Jtudy Peace ; declaring, that he would trouble none
upon account of their Faith^ whatever it was -, and
that he would favour and efleem fuch cnly^ who Jhould
Jhew themfelves Leaders in re$Joring the Peace of the
Church. Themiitius the Philofopher, in his Oration
2 upon

T'be History ^Persecution. hi

upon Jovian'% Confulate, commends him very
juftly on this Account, that he gave free Liberty
to every one to worfhip God as he would, and
defpifcd the flattering Infinuations of thofe who
would have perfuaded him to the Ufe of violent
Methods; concerning whom he pleafantly, but
with too much Truth, faid, Tihat he found by
Experience^ that the'^ worjhip not God^ but the
Purple.

The two Emperors, Valentinianus and ValenSj
who fucceeded Jovian^ were of very different
Tempers, and embraced different Parties in Re-
ligion. The former was of the Orthodox fide ; Soc. 1. 4.
and though he favoured thofe mofl who were of^* ^*
his own Sentiments, yet he gave no Difturbance
to the Arians. On the contrary, Valens^ his Bro-
ther, was of a rigid and fanguinary Difpofition,
and feverely perfecuted all who differed from him.
In the beginning of their Reign a Synod met in^heod.
Illytcum^ who again decreed the Confubftantiality^'^*^*^*
of Father, Son, and Holy Ghoft, This the two Cod.
Emperors declared in a Letter their AfTent to, T^^^^*-
and ordered that this Doftrine fhould be preached. "^•^^' '^-
However, they both publifhed Laws for the To-
leration of all Religions, even the Heathen and
Arian. But Valens was foon prevailed on by theSoc. 1.4.
Arts of Eudoxius^ Bifhop of Conjiantinople^ to for-^* ^' .
fake both his Principles of Religion and Mode-^^^j
ration, and embracing the Arian Opinions, he
cruelly perfecuted all thofe who were of the or-
thodox Party. The Conduft of the orthodox Sy-
nod met at Lampfacus was the firft Thing that
enraged him ; for having obtained of him leave to
meet, for the Amendment and Settlement of the
Faith, after two Months Confultation they decreed
the Doftrine of the Son's being like the Father as

112 T^he History ^Persecution.

to his Effence, to be Orthodox, and depofed all
the Bifhops of the Arian Party. This highly
cxafperated Valens, who thereupon called a Council
of Arian Bifhops, and commanded the Bifhops
that compofed the Council at Lampfacus to em-
brace the Opinions of Eudoxius the Arian^ and
upon their Refufal immediately fent them into Ba-
nifhment, and gave their Churches to their Ene-
mies, fparing only Paulinus^ for the remarkable
Sanftity of his Life. After this he entered into
more violent Meafures, and caufed the Orthodox,
fome of them to be whipped, others to be dif-
graced, others to be imprifoned, and others to
Soc.Ibid. be fined. He alfo put great Numbers to death,
c. 15, i6. and particularly caufed eighty of them at once to
Theod, j^g pyj. on Board a Ship, and the Ship to be fired
^'when it was failed out of the Harbour, where they
miferably perifhed by the Water and the Flames.
Thefe Perfecutions he continued to the End of his
Reign, and was greatly afTifled in them by the
Bifhops of the Anan Party.
Soc. L 4. In the mean Time great Difturbances happened
t. 29. ^^ Rome. Liberius^ Bifhop of that City being dead,
UrfinuSy a Deacon of that Church, and DamafuSj
were both nominated to fucceed him. The Party
of Damafm prevailed, and got him chofen> and
ordained. Urfinus being enraged that Damafus was
preferred before him, fet up feparate Meetings,
and at lafl procured himfelf to be privately or-
dained by certain obfcure Bifhops. This occa-
fioned great Difputes amongfl the Citizens, which
fliould obtain the Epifcopal Dignity ; and the
Matter was carried to fuch an Height, that great
Numbers were murdered in the Quarrel on both
fides, no lefs than one Hundred thirty feven Per-
fons being dcftroy'd in the Church it felf, according

The HisTdRV of Persecution. 113

to Ammianus^ who adds, ^ "^hat Uwas no wonder Sod. 17^
to fee thofe who were ambitious of human Greatnefs^^-l*
contending with fo much Heat and Animofity for that
Dig^itji becaufe when they had obtained it, they were
fure to he enriched by the Offerings of the Matrons^
of appearing abroad in great Splendor, of being ad^
mired for their coftly Coaches, fumptuou$ in theif
Feafls, out' doing Sovereign Princes in the Expences
of their 'Tables. For which Reason Prcetextatus^
an Heathen, who was Prefe6t of the City the
following Year, faid, Make me Bifhop of Rome,
and ril be a Chrijlian too.

Gratian, the Son of Valentinian, his Partner and
Succeffor in the Empire, was of the orthodox
Party, and after the Death of his Uncle Valens re^
called thofe whom he had banifhed, and reftored
them to their Sees* But as to the Arians, he fent'Theod,
SaporeSy one of his Captains, to drive them, as^' 5* c. a;
wild Bealts, out of all their Churches. Socrates
and Sozomen tell us, however, that by a Law he
ordained, that Perfons of all Religions fhould
meet, without fear, in their feveral Churches, and
worfliip according to their own Way, the Euno-^
mians, Photinians, and Manichees excepted.

s Cum id adepti, futuri fint ica fecuri, ut dicenrur obhtioiiibtis
Matronarum, procedancc|ue vehiculis iafiJentes, circumfpede ve-
fiiti, epulas curances profufas, adeo ut eorum coavivia regales fud
perent men fas.

SECT.

1X4 Tf'he History ^Persecution.

SECT. IV.

7he firjl Council of Conftantinople j or fecond
General Council.

^Heodojius^ foon after his Advancement by

Gratian to the Empire, difcovered a very

S02;. 1.7. warm Zeal for, the orthodox Opinions; for ob-

C'4>^« ferving that the City of Conftantinople was divided

into different Seds, he wrote a Letter to them

from Theffalonica^ wherein he tells them, That Uwa$

his Pleafure^ that all his Subjects Jhould be of the fame

Religion with Damafus Bifhop of Rome, and Peter

Bifhop of Alexandria ; and that their Church only

Ihould be called Catholick, who worfhipped the

Divine Trinity as equal in Honour ; and that thofe

who were of another Opinion fliould be called

Hereticks, become infamous, and be fubjeft to

other Punifhments. He alfo forbid AfTemblies

and Difputations in the Forum^ and made a Law

for the Punifhment of thofe that fhould prefume to

argue about the Effence and Nature of God.

Soc. 1. 5. Upon his firft coming io Conftantinople, being very

' ^* folicitous for the Peace and Increafe of the Church,

he fcnt for Demophilus the Jrian Bifliop, and asked

him whether he would confent to the Nicene Faith,

and thus accept the Peace he offered him ; adding

this ftrong Argument, If you refufe to do it, I will

drive you from your Churches. And upon Demo-

philus's Refufal, the Emperor was as good, as his

Word ; and turned him and all the Jrians out of

the City, after they had been in pofTeffion of the

c. 8. Churches there for Forty Years. But being

willing more effedually to excinguifh Hercfy,

he fummoned a Council of Bilhops of his own

Pcrfuafion,

The History ^Persecution. nS

Perfuafion, A.C. 381. to meet together ^tCon\
Jiantinople'\ in order to confirm the Nicene Faith :
The Number of them were one Hundred and fifcy;

^ My Remarker tells mCj that had t /pared the tnvo firfiRemzrks^
general Councils, he had perhaps been Jllent ; hut that finee thefe p. Jj 4,
two venerable Ajfemblies have not efcaped the Rancour of my Ven^
he will digefi my Ajferttons under different Heads ^ and doubcs noc
to convince every equitable Reader^ that whatever Opinion they
are to entertain of my Abilities^ it mufi be with great Abatement
in point of Candour and Ingenuity ; and that I have only looked"^* ^J«
on this Part of Hiftory^ on purpofe to rake together what Dirt and
Scandal I couldy to blacken the Caufe^ which cannot be confuted*
But can fuch a Man talk of raking together Dirt and Scandal
without Blufhing ? Hath he one Jingle clean Page in all his
Remarks or Review^, One Page, where there is not an In-
vective, or a Curfe f When the Gentleman talks of blackening
the Caufe, if he means the Caufe or Dodrine of the Trinity,
'tis with equal Honour, Veracity, and Candour^ as his other
Charges. I have not faid one fingle Word for or againft that
Dodrine; and tho' he hach attempted feveral Times to draw
me into that Controverfy, I knew the Man too well ever to
engage with him, or fuch as he^ in fuch kind of Debates*
Whether Athanajianifm be true or falfe, it makes no manner of
Alteration in my Account. My Enquiries relate to Councils
and Bifliops, ; what Charaders they bore^ and not whether
their Dodrines were true or falfe. The venerable Council of
I^ice hach already been examined ; and I will now a little take
to task the venerable Council of Confiantinople, They ^ere in
Number 1 50. And the firl^ Objedion I have againft them is^
that they were not an Oecumenical or General One, but a
Trifle in comparifbn of all the other Bifhops in the Chrifiiaa
Church. Theodcflus, who convened them, was then only Em-
peror of the Eait, and had no Power over the Weftern Bifliops;
and accordingly there was But one of the Weflern Bifhops
prefent at this Synod. BeGdes this, there was nor one of the
y^W/jw Party, who were before condemned, and driven from their
Churches; and but 56 of the Macedonian^Siny^ who were nothing
in comparifon of the 150 Orthodox. A fpecial univerfal Synod
this ! where almoft only one Party was prefent, and that Party
convened to do a certain Job, and determined to do it before
they met. No wonder the Macedonians immediately feparated
from them, when they found they had to do with fuch righ-
teous and impartial Judges. Another Objedion is, that rhcy

I 1 were

Ii6 The History ^Persecution.

to thefe, for Form's fake, were added thirty-fix

rhefecond of the Macedonian Party. And accordingly this

general Council, whicH is reckoned the fecond Oecumenical

a'^C 8i ^^ general one, all of them, except the Macedo-

' ^ * niansy did decree that the Nicene Faith fhould be

the

were under the Infiuence of Theodofius^ all of his Mind, all
called together to confirm his Faith, and do as he bid them.
So that they were rather a Party or Fadion in the Chrilnaa
Church, than a General Council. But the worft Objedion of
all a^^ainft t'hem, is their Chffrader, as given us by Gregory n<«-
zianzeti^ who well knew rhem, and fpeaks of them with the
utmoit Contempt ; and whofe Teflimony concerning them de-
ferves more to be regarded than chat of a thoufand BerrymanSy
Cre^or. ^"^ f"^^ ^^ ^^* ^^^ ^^^^^ "^ ^^^" ^^^^ ^^^ Bifhops who com-
deVic. fua.P^^^^ this Council, grew in the middle of the Church fo bit-
Vol. II. ^^''^y ^^^^ againft one another, that crying out with loud
p^ ^^^ Voices, and gathering together in Parties, they mutually ac-
cufed each o:her, leaped about like Madmen, furiou Qy infti-
gated with the Luft of Power and Dominion, as cho' they
would have torn in Pieces the whole World. That the Caufe
of thefe Things was not Piety, but that they contended for
p. 17, Thrones. And afterwards he tells us, that after he himfelf had
made a Speech to them, they fell a chattering as rho* they had
beea a Company of Jackdaws; and that the young Men
amongft rhem, as tho* they were a Crew, met in a Tavern,
and whom no one who was poiTefTed of an holy Fear, or
who was a Bifhop, would have vouchfafed to have converfed
with, grew into diforderly Heats and Contentions, and be-
haved with the Impudence of VVafps, pitching upon Mens
Faces. And yet the reverend old Gentlemen followed them,
inftead of brinojng them to a better Mind. O holy and vent*
table Synod of yack-daivs^ Tavern-Boys^ and JVafps ! How fit
thefe Fathers to heal the Divifions of the Church, and fettle
the Faich for the contending World ! This puts me in m.ind
p. Bl. of the wife Refolution made by this Father;

* OvJ^i T/ TK (TvvoS^ot^tv ouQ^^ovof ^(TaofjL^ iycoy^

"EV^ leXiy IV^et (JLQ^O^ T5, >Lj ctt^ZO, K^VTrjct T^fO|'3'2>;.

/// never he pre/ent in thefe Councils of Geefe and CraneSy endlefslj
fghting with one another. Hence Confujtons^ Thmuhs, and Scan^

dalSf

The History ^Persecution. 117

he Standard of Orthodoxy ; and that alJ Herefies
fliould be condemned. They alfo made an Ad-
dition to that Greed, explaining the orthodox
Dodrine of the Spirit againft ^Macedonius^ viz.
^fcer the Words Holy Ghcft, they inlerted, ^he
Lordy the ^ickner^ proceeding froin the Father^
whom with the Father and the Son we wprJJoip and
glorif'^^ and who /pake by the Prophets. When che^^^^-
Council was ended the Emperor put forth two,^ ^°'^*
Edids againft Hereticks ; by the firft prohibiting * ^
them from holding any AfTemblres; and by the
fecond, forbidding them to meet in Fields or Vil-
lages, ordering the Houfes where they met to be
confifcated, and commanding that fuch who went

dals^ before concealed^ have arifen. And what was the Reafbn
of chtfe dire Diiturbances he afterwards tells us :

k]l]t ^^ovcovy cDu <7riej. iJ.a.p'ctfJiivot Gregor,

TJ^ey fi^hty and mn into Schifms^ ani divide the wlole World
about Thrones^ i. e. to get into PoirelTion of the hi^heft and
richeft of the Epifcopal Sees. And to mention only one Place
more, which I would particularly recommend to the Confidera*
tion of my Remarker :

To(T(To^ ifco^ ^ctzi(X(nv Z'7ri)yj^v(Tiv nu^ri^onTi Ibid.

H J^o^iK KZt/icf.^y n KTi)(rio^y fi ^-^qi/o^ ctivo^. p. 84.

So great is our Love of Vain-glory^ or Riches^ and fo grievous is
our Envy at one another^ that our Eyes are quite blinded.
The Trinity is the Pretence; but the Truth is^ it proceeds
from implacable Hatred. I could ea^ly produce many other
Things of the like Nature, but I am quice tired with the
Subjtrd; and hope I fhall have no more extravagant. Commen-
dations of this, or any other of the Councils, which confided
of wkny who had they been ever fo wife and holy, had no .
Power to determine in controverted Cafes for others ; and who,
as their Charader (lands upon Record, appear to have hs^n of
ali others the moft unfit for fo important a Work,

I 3 ^^

JiS ^he History c/" Persecution*

to other Places to teach their Opinions, or perform
their religious Worfhip, fhould be forced to return
to the Places where they dwelt, condemning all
thofe Officers and Magiftrates of Cities who fhould
h not prevent fuch Aflemblies. A little while after
the Conclufion of this Council, finding that many
Diforders were ftill occafioned through the Oppo-
fition of the feveral Parties to one another, he
convened the principal Perfons of each, and ordered
them to deliver into his Hand a written Form of
their Belief; which after he had received, he re-
tired by himfelf, and earneftly prayed to God, that
he would enable him to make Choice of the Truth,
And when after this he had pcrufed the feveral
Papers delivered to him, he tore them all in pieces,
except that which contained the Doctrine of the
indtvifible Trinity, to which he intirely adhered.
After this he publifhed a Law, by which he forbid
Hereticks to worlhip or preach, or to ordain
Bifhops or others, commanding fome to be banifhed,
others to be rendered infamous, and to be cieprived
of the common Privileges of Citizens, with other
grievous Penalties of the like Nature. Sozofnen^
however, tells us, that he did not put thefe Laws
in execution, becaufe his Intention w^as not to pu-
nifh his Subjects, but to terrify them into the fame
Opinions of God with himfelf, praifing at the fame
time thofe who voluntarily embraced them,
c. 20. Socrates alfo confirms the fame, telling us, that he
only banilhed Eunomius from Conjtanlinople for
holding private Aflemblies, and reading his Books
to them, and thereby corrupting many with his
Do6lrine. But that as to others he gave them no
Difturbance, nor forced them to communic^e
with him, but allowed them all their feveral
Meetings, and to enjoy their own Opinions as to
the Chnftian Faith. Some he permitted to build

Churches

The History ^Persecution. 119

Churches without the Cities, and the Novattans
to retain their Churches within, becaufe they held
the fame Dodrines with himfeif.

Arcadius 2in(^ Honor ius^ the Sons and SucceflbrsSoz. l.g.
o^Tloeodoftus^ embraced the orthodox Religion and^* ^> ^>4«
Party, and confirmed all the Decrees of the fore-
going Emperors in their Favour. Soon after their
Acceflion to the imperial Dignity, Ne^larius Bifhop
oi Conftantinople died, and John^ called for his Elo-
quence Chryfoflonty was ordained in his room: ' He
was a Perfon of a very rigid and fevere Temper,
an Enemy to Hereticks, and againft allowing them
any Toleration. Gaina, oneof the principal Offi-
cers of Arcadiusy and who was a Chriftian of the
Arian Perfwafion, defined of the Emperor one
Church for himfeif, and thofe of his Opinion, within
the City. Chr'jfojlom being informed of it, im-
mediately went to the Palace, taking with him all
the Bifhops he could find at Conftantinople ; and in
the Prefence of the Emperor bitterly inveigh'^d
againft Gaina, who was himfeif at the Audience,
and reproached him for his former Poverty, as alfo
with Infolence and Ingratitude. Then he pro-
duced the Law that was made by TheodojluSy by
which Hereticks were forbidden to hold Aflem-
blies within the Walls of the City •, and turning
to the Emperor, perfwaded him to keep \n force
all the Laws againft Hereticks ; adding, that
'twas better voluntarily to quit the Empire, than
to be guilty of the Impiety of betraying the Houfe
of God. C^rjiy^/?^;^^ carried his Point, and the Con-
fequence of it was an In furred ion of the Goths iq the
City oi Conftantinople J which had like to have ended
in the Burning the imperial Palace, and the Mtirder
of the Emperor, and did actually end in the cut-
ting off all the Gothick Soldiers, and the Burning
of their Church, with great Numbers of Perfons

I 4 in

J20 ^he HisTpRYo/' Persecution.

in it, who flicd thither for Safety, and were locked
Soz. 1. 8. \x\ to prevent their Efcape. His violent Treatment
^•^' of ftveral Bifhop^, and the arbitrary Manner of
his depofing them, and fubftituring others in their
room, contrary to the Defires and Prayers of the
People, is but too full a Proof of his imperious
Temper, and love of Power. Not content with
this, he turned his Eloquence againft the Emprefs
Eudoxia^ and in a fet Oration inveighing againft
bad Women, he expreffed himfelf in fuch a Man-
ner, as that both his Friends and Enemies believed
that the Invedi-ve was chiefly levelled againft her.
This fo enraged her, that fhe foon procured his
Depofition and Baniflhm.ent. Being foon after re-
ftored, he added new Provocations ^ the former,
by rebuking the People for certain Diverfions rhey
took at a Place where the Statue of the Emprefs
was erefted, This fhe took for an Infult on her
Perfon, and when Cbryfoflom knew her Difplcafure
on this Account, he ufed more fevere Expreflions
againft her than before, faying, Herodias is enraged
{^gain ; Jhe raifes frejh Dijlurbances^ and again defires
the Head of John in a Charger. On this and other
. Accounts he was depofed and banifhed by a Synod
convened for that Purpofe, Biftiops being always
to be had in thofe Days eafily, to do what was
defired or demanded of them by the Emperors,
So2. 1. 8, Ci?ryy^y?d?/;; died in his Banifliment, according to the
c« i6. Chriftian Wifh of Epiphanius^ I hope you^ll not die
jSz/S(9/)^Conftantinople ^ which Chryfojiom returned
with a Wifh of the fame good Temper, / hope
you^ll not live to return to your own City •, fo deadly
was the Hatred of thefe Saints and Fathers againft
each other. After Chryfojiom's Death his Favourers
:^nd Friends were treated with great Severity, not
indeed on the Account of Religion, but for other
Crimes of Sedition they were charged with ; and

parti-

The History ^Persecution. 12I

particularly, for burning down one of the Churches Soc. 1, (5.
in the City, the Flames of which fpread themfelvesc. i8.
to the Senate Houfe, and entirely confumed it.

Under the fame Emperors the Donatifis gave fad Epif^. 50.
Specimens of their Cruelty in Africa towards the^'^.^on&
Orthodox, as St. Aufiin informs us. They ^'SJzed^^'^*^^'
on Maximianus^ one of the African Bifhops, as he
was Handing at the Altar, beat him unmercifully,
and ran a Sword into his Body, leaving him for
dead. And a little after he adds. That it would
be tedious to recount the many horrible Things
they made the Bifhops and Clergy fufFer ; fome
had their Eyes put out ; one Bifhop had his Hands
and Tongue cut off, and others were cruelly de-
ftroyed. I forbear, fays Auftin, to mention their
barbarous Murders, and demolifhing of Houfes,
not private ones only, but the very Churches them-
felvcs, Honorius publifhed very fevere Edifts a- Cod.
gainft them, ordaining. That if they did not, both j^^^^^*
Clergy and Laity, return to the Catholicks by fuch * ^^'
a Day, they fhould be heavily fined, rheir Eftates
fhould be confifcated, the Clergy banifhed, and
their Churches al! given to the Catholicks. Thefe
Laws Auftin commends as rightly and pioufly or-
dained, maintaining the Lawfulnefs of perfecuting
Hereticks by all manner of Ways, Death only ex-
cepted.

Under the Reign of T^beodofius^ Arcadius his Son,
thofe who were called Hereticks were grievoufly
perfccuted by the Orthodox. Tbeodoftus^ Bifliopsoc. 1, 7,
of Symiada in Phrygia^ expelled great Numbers ofc 3.
the Followers of Macedonius from the City and
Country round about, Not from any Zeal for the true
Faith ^ as Socrates fays, hut through Covetoufnefs^ and
a Defign to extort Money from them. On this Ac-
count he ufed all his Endeavours to opprefs them,
^nd particularly Agapetus^ .their Bifhop s armed his

Clergy

122 ^he History g;^ Persecution.

Clergy againft them, and accufed them before the
Tribunal of the Judges. And becaufe he did not
think the Governors of the Provinces fufEcient to
carry on this good Work of Pcrfecution, he went
to Conftantinople to procure frelh Edids againft
them ; but by this means he loft his Bifhoprick,
the People refufing him Admiffion into the Church
upon his return, and chufing AgapetuSy whom he
had perfecuted, in his room.
Soc. 1. 7. ^heophiluSy Bifliop of Alexandria^ the great E-
*'7- nemy of Cbryfofidmy being dead, C)n7/ was en-
throned in his room, not without great Diftur-
bance and Oppofition from the People, and ufcd
his Power for the Oppreflion of Hereticks -, for
immediately upon his Advancement he Ihut up all
the Churches of the Novatians in that City, took
away all their facred Treafures, and ftripped Tbeo-
pemptus their Biftiop of every Thing that he had.
1.7«c. i3>Nor was this much to be wondered at, fince, as
^'^' Socrates obferves, that from the Time of T'heophilusy

Cyrill^s Predeceflbr, the Bijhop of Alexandria began
to affume an Authority and Power above what belonged
to the [acer dotal Order. On this Account the great
Men hated the Bilhops, becaufe they ufurped to
themfelves a good part of that Power which be-
longed to the imperial Governors of Provinces ;
and particularly Cyrill was hated by Orejtes^ Prefcft
of Alexandria^ not only for this Reafon, but be-
caufe he was a continual Spy upon his Aftions,
At length their Hatred to each other publickly
appeared. Cyrill took on him, without acquaint-
ing the Governor, or contrary to his leave, to
deprive ihtjews of all their Synagogues, and ba-
niftied them from the City, and encouraged the
Mob to plunder them of their Eftefts. This the
Prefeft highly refented, and refufed the Biftiop's
Offers of Peace and Friendfhip. Upon this about

fifty

^he History of Persecution. 123

fifty Monks came into the Gity for Cyrill's Defence,
and meeting the Prefect in his Chariot publickly
infuked him, calling him Sacrificer and Pagan ;
adding many other injurious Reproaches. One of
them, C2i\\^6 Ammonius^ wounded him in the HeadI
with a Stone, which he flung at him with great
Violence, and covered him all over with Blood 5
and being, according to the Laws, put by Orejles
publickly to the Torture, he died through the
Severity of it, St. C-jrill honourably received the
Body into the Church, gave him the new Name
ofThaumaJiuSj or, The fVonderful :, ordered him to
be looked on as a Martyr, and lavifhly extolled
him in the Church, as a Perfon murdered for his
Religion. This fcandalous Procedure of CyiWs
the Chriftians themfelves were afliamed of, becaufe
^twas publickly known that the Monk was pu-
nifhed for his Infolence ; and even St. Cyrill himfelf
had the Modefty at laft co ufe his Endeavours that
the whole Affair might be entirely forgotten.
The Murder alfo of Hypatia^- by Cyrill^s Friends Sec 1. 7.
and Clergy, merely out of Envy to her fuperior^* ^^*
Skill in Philofophy, brought him and his Church
of Alexandria under great Infamy 5 for as (he was
returning home from a Vifit, one Peter a Clergy-
man, with feme other Murderers, fcized on her,
dragged her out of her Chariot, carried her to one
of the Churches, ftripped her naked, fcraped her
to Death with Shells, then tore her in pieces, and
burnt her Body to Afhes.

Innocent alfo, Bilhop of Rome^ grievoufly per-^^. IbiJ.
fecuted i\\t Novatians^ and took frocn them many^*9»
Churches; and, as 5^(:r^/^x obferves, was the firft
Bifhop of that See who dilturbed them. Celefline
alfo, one of his Succeflbrs, imitated this Injuftice,
and took from the Novalians the Remainder of
their Churches, and forced them to hold their

Affemblies

124 ^^^ History of Persecution.

Soc. 1.7. Affemblies in private; For the Bi/hops of Rome,
c. II. as well as thofe e?/ Alexandria, had ufurped a tyrah^
nical Power ^ which^ as Priefts^ the'j had no right to ;
and would not fufFer thofe who agreed with them
in the Faith, as the Novatians did, to hold publick
Affemblies, but drove them out of their Oratories,
^nd plundered them of all their Subftance.

jNeJiorius^ B\{hop of Conjlantimple^ immediately
upon his Advancement, (hewed, himfclf a violent
Perfecutor ; for as foon as ever he was ordained,
he addreffed himfelf to the Emperor before the
c. 29. y^hole Congregation, and laid. Purge ?ne^ O Em-
peror^ the Earth from Hereticks^ and I will give thee
in recompence the Kingdom of Heaven. Conquer with
me the Hereticks^ and I with thee will fubdue the
Perfians. And agreeable to his bloody Wilhes,
the fifth Day after his Confecration, he endea-
voured to demolifti the Church of the Arians^ in
which they were privately affembled for Prayer.
The Arians in their Rage, feeing the Deftruftion
of it determined, fet Fire to it themfelves, and
occafioned the Burning down the neighbouring
Houfes ; and for this Reafon not only the Here-
ticks, but thofe of his own Perfuafion, diftin-
guifhed him by the Name of Incendiary. But he
did not reft here, but tried all Tricks and Methods
to deftroy Hereticks ; and by thefe Means endan-
gered the Subverfion of Conjtantinople it felf. He
perfecuted the Novatians^ through hatred of Paul
their Bifhop for his eminent Piety. He gricvoufly
oppreffed thofe who were not Orthodox as to the
Day of keeping Eafter^ in Afia^ Lydia^ and Cariay
and occafioned the Murders of great Numbers on
this Account, at Miletus and Sardis,
Soz. 1. 7. Few indeed of the Bifhops were free from this
^•** wicked Spirit. Socrates, however, tells us, that
Atticus Biftiop ofConflantinople was a Pcrfon of great

Piety

jT/^^ History ^ PERSECtJTioN. 125

Piety and Prudence, and that he did not offer
Violence to any of the Hereticks, bur that after
he had once attempted to terrify them, he behaved
more mildly and gently to them afterwards.
Proelus alfoj Bifhop of the fame City, who had^oc. I.7,
been brought up under Atticus^ was a careful Imi-^*"*^*
tacor of his Piety and Virtue, and exercifed rather
greater Moderation than his Mafter, being gentle
towards all Men,^ from a Perfwafion that this was
a much more proper Method than Violence to re-
duce Hereticks to the true Faith, and therefore he
never made ufe of the imperial Power for this Pur-
pofe. And in this he imitated T^heodofius the Em-
peror, who was not at all concerned or difpleafed
that any fhould think differently of God from him-
felf. However, the Number of Bifhops of this
Temper was but fmall. Nothing pleafed the Ge-
nerality of them but Methods of Severity, and the
utter Ruin and Extirpation of their Adverfaries.

Under the Reign of this Emperor, the Avians
alfo, in their Turn, ufed the Orthodox with no
greater Moderation, than the Orthodox had ufed
them. The Vandals^ who were partly Pagans,
and partly Avians^ had feized on Spain and Africa^
and exercifed innumerable Cruelties on thofe who
were not of the fame Religion with themfelves.
Trafimond their General in Spain^ and Genferick in
Africa, ufed all poflible Endeavours to propagate
Arianifm throughout all their Provinces. And the
more efteftually to accomplifh this Defign, they
filled all Places with Slaughter and Blood, by the
Advice of the Bifliops of their Party, burning down
Churches, and putting the orthodox Clergy to che
mofl: grievous and unheard of Tortures, to make
them difcover the. Gold and Silver of their Churches,
repeating thefe kind of Tortures feveral times, fo
that many a(Sually died under them. Oenferitk-
I feized

4z6 fbe History o/" Persecution.

feteed on all che facred Books he could find, that
they might be deprived of the Means of defending
their Opinions. By the Counfel of his Bifhops,
he ordered that none but Avians Ihould be admitted
to Courc, or employed in any Offices about his
Children, or fo much as enjoy the Benefit of a
Toleration, ArmogefteSy Mafculon^ and SaturuSy
three Officers of his Court, were inhumanly tor-
tured to make them embrace ^m;?//^ ; andi upon
their Refufal, they were ftripped of their Honours
and Eftates, and forced to protradt a miferable Life
in the utmoft Poverty and Want. Thefe and many
more Inftances of Genferick^s Cruelty towards the
Orthodox, during a long Reign of thirty-eight
Years, are related by Vi^or^ 1. i. in fine.

SEC T. V.

^e Council of Ephefus ; or Third General Council.

^Uring thefe Tranfaftions, a new Contro-
verfy, of a very extraordinary and impor-
tant Nature, arofe in the Church, which, as the
other had done before, occafioned many Diforders
and Murders, and gave Birth to the third general
Evag.E.H. Council. NeJioriuSy the perfecuting Bifhop of Con-
Li. c. 2. Jlantinopky altho' tolerably found in the Doclrine
c u '?4. ^^^^^ real Deity of the Logos^ yet excepted againfl
' * the Virgin Marf^ being called 02OTo;t©-, f. e. Mother
of God, becaufe, as he argued, Mary was a Woman^
and that therefore God could not he born of her j
adding, 1 cannot call him God, who once was not above
two or three Months old ; and therefore he fub-
ftituted another Word in the room of it, calling
her xec9oTo;t©-, or Mother of Chrifl. By this Means
he fcemed to maintain not only the Diftinftion of
the two Natures in Chrift, for he allowed the
» proper

The History ^ Persecution. ^ f27

proper Perfonality and Subliftence of the Logos^

but that there were alfo two diftinft Perfons in

Chrift ; the one a mere Man, abfolutely diftinft

from the Word, and the other God, as abfolutely

diftind from the human Nature. This caufed

great Difturbances in the City of Conftantinople^

and the D^fpute was thought of fuch Confequence,

as to need a Council to fettle it. Accordingly

Tbeodoftus convened one at EphefuSy A. C. 431. of S<^c- ^1>^^-

which Cyill was Prefident ; and as he hated Nejlo-^^^^' ^* ^'

mj, he perfuaded the Biihops of his own Party to *

decree, that the Virgin was, and fhould be, the

Mother of God, and to anathematize all who

Ihould not confefs her in this Charadler, nor own

that the Word of God the Father was united fub-

flantially to the Flelh, making one Chrift of two

Natures, both God and Man together •, or who

fhould afcribe what the Scriptures fay of Chrift to

two Perfons or Subfiftences, interpreting fome of

the Man, exclufive of the Word ; and others of

the Word, exclufive of the human Nature \ or

who fhould prefume to call the Man Chrift Qto^po^©-^

the Bearer^ or the Receptacle of Godj inftead of God ;

and haftily todepofe Nejlorius five Days before the

coming oijohn Bifliop of Antiocby with his fufFra*

gan Bifliops. John^ upon his Arrival at Ephefus^

depofed Cyrill^ in a Council of Bifliops held for

that Purpofe, and accufed him of being the Author

of all the Diforders occafioned by this Afi^air, and

of having raflily proceeded to the Depofition of

Nejiorius. Cyrill was foon abfolved by his own

Council, and, in Revenge, depofed John of An-

tiochy and all the Biihops of his Party. But they

were both reconciled by the Emperor, and reftored

each other to their refpeftive Sees, and, as the

EfFedl of their Reconciliation, both fubfcribed to

the Condemnation 6i Nejiorius^ who was fent into

Banifh-

128 The History ^Persecution.'

Banifliment, where, after fuffering great Hardfhipg,
he diedmiferably ; being thus made to tafte thofe
Sweets of Perfecution he had fo liberally given to
others, in the Time of his Power and Profperity.
Evag. 1. i.'pj^g Emperor himfelf, though at firft he difap-
^* '^* proved of this Council's Conduft, yet afterwards
was persuaded to ratify their Decrees, and publiflied
a Law, by which all who embraced the Opinions
oi Nejiorius, were, if Bifhops or Clergymen, or-
dered to be expelled the Churches; or if Laymen,
^^^^'^on-^Q be anathematized. This occafioned irrecon-
Frat. '^^'cileable Hatreds amongft the Bifhops and People,
Epiit*. who were fo enraged againfl each other, that there
Edef. was no pafling with any Safety from one Province
Epic- or City to another, becaufe every one purfued his
Neighbour as his Enemy, and, without any Fear
of God, revenged themfelyes on one another,
under a Pretence of Ecclefiaftical Zeal.

S E C T. VI.

7'he Council of Chalcedon 5 or fourth General CounciL

Ev^gA.z.^\ /T Arciany the SuccefTor of Theodofius in the

C.I. XvX Etr/pire, embraced the Orthodox Party

and Opinions, and was very defirous to bring about

an entire Uniformity in the Worfliip of God, and

to eftablifh the fame Form of Doxologiesamongfl

Concil. all Chriflians whatfoever. Agreeably to this his

Chalced. Temper, EufebiuSy Bifhop of Nicomedia, addrefs*d

'^^' him foon after his Promotion in thcfe Words:

God hath juftly given you the Empire ^ that you Jhould

govern all for the univerfal Welfare ^ and for the Peace

of his holy Church : And therefore^ before and in all

Things y take Care of the Principles of the orthodox and

mofl holy Faithj and extingui/h the Roarings of the

Hereticks^ and bring to light the Do£lrines of Piety.

The

The History of Persecution. 129

The Legates alfo of Leo^ Bilhop of Rome^ pre-
fenced him their Accufations againft Diofcorus^
Biihop o( Alexandria ; as did aJfo EufehiuSy Bilhop
oi JDor'jlcdum^ befeeching the Emperor that thefe
Things might be judged and determined by a
Synod. Marcian confented, and ordered the Bi-
fhops to meet firft at JNice^ and afterwards at CbaU
cedpHy 451. This was the fourth oecumenical or
general Council, confiding of near fix hundred
Prelates. The principal Caufe of their aflembling
vf2i%i\\t Eut'jchianHtYtiy. Eutyches^ a Prcfbyter
of Conjlaminople^ had aflerted, in the Reign of
Theodojius^ jun. that Jefus Chrifi conftfied of /w^Evag;
Natures before his Union or Incarnation^ hut that after^* ^' ^'^
this be had one Nature only. He alfo denied that^^^
the Body of Chrijt was of the fame Subfiance with ours^
On this Account, he was depofed in a particular
Council at Conftantinople^ by Flavian^ Biftiop of thac
Place : But, upon his complaining to the Emperor
that the Afts of that Council were falfified by hisi
Enemies, a fccond Synod of the neighbouring
Bilhops met in the fame City, who, after examin-
ing thofe Ads, found them to be genuine, and
confirmed the Sentence againft Eutyches. But Diof^
^orusy Bifliop of Alexandria^ who was at Enmity
with Flavian of Confiantinople^ obtained, from
^beodofius^ that a third Council fhould be held on
this Affair; which accordingly met 2lI EphefuSy
which the Orthodox ftigmatized by the Name of
AHre^;cn, the thieving Council, or Council of Thieves*
I)/o/2'^r»x was Prefident of it, and, after an Exami-
nation of the Affair of Eutyches^ his Sentence of
Excommunication and Depofition was taken ofF^
and himfplf reftored to his Office an^ Dignity •, the
Bilhops of Confiantinople, Antioch^ and others, be-
ing depofed in his ftead. But the condemned
Bilhops, and the Legates from Rom^, appealed

K from

IS® ^ie aiSTOHY of PEftSECiytlOl^.

from thi$ Sentence to another Cotincil, and pre-
vailed with ^beodoftus to iflue his Letters for the
Evag, 1.2.afiembling One : But as he dJed before they cou^
^•4> '^. -meet, the Honour of detef mining this Affair was
referved for his Succeffot Marcian ; and when the
Fathers, in obedience to his 'Si^mmons, were con-
vened at Chalcedorij the Emperor favoured them
with his Prefence; and, in a Speech to them, told
them, Tloat-he had nothing more at Heart than to pre-
ferve the true and orthodox Cbrijlian Faith fafe and
Uncorruptedi and that therefore he propofed to them
a Law^ that no 'one Jhould dare to dispute of the Perfon
of Chrifly otherwife than as it had been determined by
the Council ^ Nice. After this Addrefs of the
Emperor, the Fathers proceeded to their fy nodical
Bufinefs, and, notwithftanding the Synod was di-
vided, fQme of the Fathers pioufly crying out,-
Damn DiofCorus, banifh Diofcorus, banijh the Egyp--
tian, banifh the Heretick, Chriji hath depofed Diof-
corus y others, on the contrary, Refiore Diofcorus
1o the Council^ re/tore Diofcorus to his Churches ;
yet, through the Authority of the Legates o{Rome^
tfiofcorus was depofed for his Contempt of the facred
Canons, and for his Contumacy towards the holy
\iniverfal Synod. After this, they proceeded ta
fettle the Faith according to the Nicene Creed, the
Opinions of the Fathers, and the Dodrine of Jtha-
iiafiusj Cyrilly Ccele^ine^ Hilarius^ Baftiy Gregory ^
and Leo \ and decreed, that Chrifi was truly God^
^nd truly Man, confub^antial to the Father as to bis
-Deity ^ and conjiibifantial to us^ as to bis Humanity^
end that he was to be confejfed as conftfling of two [Ma-
tures without Mixture^ Converfton of one into the other^
and without Diyifion or Separation \ and that itfhould
Mt be lawful for any Perjons to utter ^ or write^ or
Uompofe^ or thinks or teach any other Faith whatfoeveri
Und that if any (hould prcfurtie to do it, they

ihould.

The History ^Persecution. 131

fhould, if Bifhops or Clergymen, be depofed;
and if Monks or Laicks, be anathematized. This
procured a loud Acclamation : God blefs the Em^
feror^ God bkfs the Emprefs. We 'ielieve as Pope
Leo doth. Damn the Dividers and the ConfoundeHfm
We believe as Cyril) did: Immortal be the Name of
Cyrill. Thus the Orthodox believe ; and curfed be
liver^ one that doth not believe fo too. Marcian rati-Evag, I.iV
iied their Decrees, and banifhed Biofcorus^ and^' ^*
i)ut forth an Edid, containing very fevere Penalties
agairift tht Eutychians and Jpollinari(ls. By this
Law the Emperor ordained, That they Jhould not
iave Power of difpofmg their Eflates^ and making
a Will^ nor of inheriting what others Jhould leave them
by Will Neither let them receive Advantage by anf
Deed of Gift^ hut let whalfoever is given them^ either
by the Bounty of the Livings or the Will of the Dead^
he immediately forfeited to our ireafury ; nor let them
have the Power ^ by any Title or Deed of Gift ^ ta
transfer any Part of their own Elates to others.
Neither Jhall it be lawful for them to have or ordains
Bifljops or Presbyters^ or any other of the Clergy what-^
foever\ as knowing that the Eutychians and Apolli-
tiarifts, who fh all pre fume to confer the Names ofBifhop
or Presbyter^ or any other facred Office upon any one^
as well as thofs who /hall dare to retain them^ Jhall be
condemned to Banifhment^ and the Forfeiture of their
Goods. , And as to thofe who have been formerly Mi^
niters in the Catholick Churchy or Monks of the or-*
thodox Ffiitb^ and forfaking the true and orthodox Wor-
Jhip of the Almighty God^ have or fhall embrace the
Herefies and ahminahle Opinions of ApolHnarius or
Eutyches, let them be fubje£i to all the Penalties or-*
dained by this^ or any foregoing Laws whatjoever again^
HeretickSj and banifhed from the Roman Dominions^
according as former Laws have decreed againSi the
Manicheanst Farther^ let not any of th^ Apolli-

K 2 narifts.

132 The HisToHY ^Persecution.

narifts, or Eutychians, build Churches or Monafte-
ries^ or have AJfemhlies and Conventicles either by Day
or Night \ nor let the Followers of this accurfed Se£i
meet in any one*s Houfe or Tenement^ or in a Mona*
fiery ^ nor in any other Place whatfoever: But if they
doy and it Jhall appear to be with the Confent of the
Owners of fuch Places y tifter a due Examination^ let
fuch Place or Tenement in which they meet be imme-
diately forfeited to us -, or if it be a Monajlery^ let it
be given to the orthodox Church of that City in whofe
Territory it is. But if fo be they hold thefe unlawful
Affemblies and Conventicles without the Knowledge ^f
the Owner ^ but with the Privity of him who receives
the Rents of it^ the Tenant^ Agent y or Steward of the
Eftate^ let fuch Tenant^ Agent j or Steward^ or who-
ever fhall receive them into any Houfe 6r Tenement^ or
Monaficry^ and fuffer them to hold fuch unlawful AJfem-
hlies and Conventicles^ if he be of low and mean Con-
dition^ be publickly ba/tinado^d as a Punifhment to
himfelfy and as a Warning to others ; but if they are
Perjons of Repute ^ let them forfeit ten Pounds of Gold
to our Treafury. Farther^ let no Apollinarift or
Eutychian ever hope for any military Preferment^ ex-
€ept to be lifted in the Foot Soldiers^ or Garrifons : But
if any of them fhall be found in any other military Ser-
vicej let them be immediately broke^ and forbid all Ac-
cefs to the Palace^ and not fuffer ed to dwell in any other
Cityy Town or Country^ but that wherein they wen
horn.

But if any of them are born in this auguft City^ let
them be banifhedfrom this moji facred Society^ and from
every Metropolitan City of our Provinces. Farther^
let no Apollinarift or Eutychian hanje the Power of
calling Affemblies^ publick or private^ or gathering
together any Companies^ or difputing in any heretical
jCtanner ; or of defending their perverfe and wicked
Opinions ; nor let it be lawful for any one to fpeak or
, write^

The History ^ PjiRSECuTioNr^ 133

write y or fuhlijh an^j thing of their own, or the Wri*
tings of any others^ contrary to the Decrees of the vene-
rable Synod of Chalcedon. Let no one have any fuch
BookSy nor dare to keep any of the impious Performances
of fuch Writers. And if any are found guilty of tbeje
Crimes^ let them be condemned to perpetual Banifh7nent y
and as for thofe^ who through a Veftre of Learnings
fhall hear others difputtng of this wretched Herefy^ Uis
our Pleafure that they forfeit ten Pounds of Gold to our
Treafury^ and let the Teacher of thefe unlawful Tenets
be punijhedwith Death. Let all fuch Books and Papery
as contain any of the damnable Opinions of Eutyches
or Apollinarius, he burnt^ that all the Remains of
their impious Perverfenefs may perifh with the Flames y
for ^tis but ju/i that there fhould be a proportionable
Punifhment to deter Men from thefe moji outragious
Impieties. And let all the Governors of our Provinces^
and their Deputies^ and the Magiftrates of our Cities^
knoWy that if through Negle5l or Prefumption^ they
fhall fuffer any Part of this moft religious Edi£l to be
violated y they fhall be condemned to a Fine often Pounds
of Goldy to be paid into our Treafury ; and fhall incur
the farther Penalty of being declared infamous. For
this Law Pope Leo returns him Thanks, and ex-Auguft.
horts him farther, that he wauld reform the Sec%*^»7J-
of Alexandria^ and not only depofe the heretical
Clergy of Confiantinople from their clerical Orders,
but expel them from the City it felf.

At the fame Time that they publiflied thefe
cruel Laws, the Authors of them, as Mr. Limborch^'^^- ^^q'J*
well obferves, would willingly be thpught to oflfefJ* ^* ^•'^*
no Violence to Con^fcience. Marcian himfelf, in
a Letter to the Archimandrites of Jerufalem^ ^ays.
Such is our Clemency, that we ufe no Force with
any, to compel him to fubfcribe, or agree with us,
if he be unwilling : For we would not by Terrors
^nd Violence drive Men into the Paths of Truth«^

K3 Wha

i^if ^he History of PERSEcitTioN.

Who would not wonder at this Hypocrify, and at
jfuch Attempts to cover over their Cruelties?
They forbid Men to learn or teach, under the fe-
vereft Penalties, Dbdrines which they who teach
them are fully perfwaded of the Truth of, and
think themfelves obliged to propagate \ and yet
the Author of fuch Penalties would fain be thought
to offer no Violence to Confcience. But for what;
End are all thefe Penalties againft Hereticks or-
dained? For no pcher, unqueftipnably, but that
Men may be deterred, by the Fear of them, from,
9penly prolefTiD^ themfelves, or teaching bthers^^
Principles they think themfelves bound iii ton-
fqience to believe and teach; that being at lengtli
quite tired our, by thefe Hardfhips, they may
join themfelves to the eftabli(hed Churches, and at
ieattprofefs to believe their Opinions, But this i|
^jFe;nAg Violence to Confcience, and Perfecution
?h the highefb Degree. But to proceed :
Evag. li. ' PrQtertus was fubftituLed by this Council Biftiop
c» 5. 0^ Alexandria^ in the room ot Diojcorus ; and, upon^
bis taking Poffeffioa of his Bifhoprick, the whole
City was put into the utmoft Confunon, being di-
vided^ fome for Diofcorus, (omQ fov Prolerius.
NiccpK The Mob aflaulted with great Violence their Ma-
1. is« «• ^'giftrates, and being oppofed by the Soldiers, they,
put them to flight by a Shower of Stones •, and as
they betook themfelves to one of the Churches for
San6luary, the Mpb befieged k, and bilrnt n
the Ground, with the Soldiers in it. The Emperor
fent two thoufand other Soldiers to quell this Ti«
fturbance, whoencreafed the Miferies of the poor
Citizens, by offering the higheft Indignities to
tvag.l.i* their X^/'iyes and Daughters. And though they
^•^* were for fome Time kept in Awe, yet, upon
Mardan^s Death, they broke out into greater
Fury^ ordained iimotheus Biftiop of the City, and

murdered

Tie^HisTORY 5/* Persecution. jj^

Hiurdercd Proterius^ by running him through with
a Sword. After this, they hung him by a Rope,
in a publick Place, by way of Derifion, and then,
after they had ignominioufly drawn him round the
whole City, they burnt him to Aflies, and even
fed on his very Bowels in the Fury of their Revenge.
The Orthodox charged thefe Outrages upon the
Eutychians\ h\xi Zacharias, the Hifjtorian, men-
tioned by Evagrius, fays, Proterius himfelf was the
Caufe of them, ^nd that he raifed the greateft Di-
fturbances in the City: And, iqdeed, the Clergy
of Alexandria^ in their Letter to Leo^ the Emperor,
concerning this Affair, acknowledge, that Prote-
rius had depofed Timoibeusy with four or five Bi-
Ihops, and feveral Monks, for Herefy, and ob-
tained of the Emperor their actual Banifhment*
Great Difturbances happened alfo in Palestine onEvagJ.zi
the fame Account ; the Monks who oppofed the^*5»
Council forcing Juvenal^ Bifhop of Jerufalem^ to
quit his See, and getting ope Theodojius ordzintd in
his room. But the Emperor foon reftored Juvenal^
after whofe Arrival the Tumults and Miferies of
the City greatly increafed, the different Partidi
afting by one another juft as their Fury and Re-
venge infpired them,

Leo fucceeded Marcidn^ znd fent circular Letters c. 9, 10.
to the feveral Bifhops, to make Enquiries concern^
ing the Affairs of Alexandria j and the Council of
Chalcedon. Moft of the Bifhops adhered tq the
Decrees of thofe Fathers, and agreed tq depofe
fimotbeus^ who was fept to bear Uio/corus Company
in Banifhment.

Under Zeno^ the Son-in-Law and SuccefTor of
Leo, Hunnerick the Vandal grievoufly perftcuted
ihe Orthodox in Africa. In the beginning of his
Reign he made a very equitable Propofal, that he
would allow them the Liberty of choofing a Bifhop^

K 4 and

1^0 ^he History of Persecution.

and wbrfhipping according to their own Way,
provided the Emperor would grant the Arians the
fame Liberty in* Conjlaniinople^ and other Places.
This the Orthodox would not agree to, choofing
rather to have their own Brethren perfccuted, than
to allow Toleration to fuch as differed from them.
Hunnerick was greatly enraged by chis Refufal, and
exercifed great Severity towards all who .would not
profefs the Arian Faith, being excited hereto by
CynV/, one of his Bifhops, who was perpetually
fuggefting to him, that the Peace and Safety of his
Kingdom could not be maintained, unlefs he ex-
tirpated all who differed from him as publick Nu-
fances. This cruel ecclefiaflical Advice was agree-
able to the King's Temper, who immediately put:
forth the mofl fevere Edifts againft thofe who held
V the Do6trine of the Confubflantiality, and turned

all thofe Laws which had been made againft the
Arians^ and other Hereticks, againft the Orthodox-
themfelves •, it being, as Hunnerick obferves in his
Edid:, an Injlance of Virtue in a King^ to turn evil
Counfeh againft thofe who were the Authors of them^
But though the Perfecution carried on by the Or-.
. thodox was no Vindication of Hunnerick^ s Cruelty
towards them, yet t think they ought to have ob^
ferved the Juftice of divine Providence, in fuffering
a wicked Prince to turn all thofe unrighteous Laws
upon themfelves, which, when they had Power on
their fide, they had procured for the Punifhmenc
and Deftrudlion of others. A particular Account
of the Cruelties exercifed by this Prince may be
read at large in Fi^or de Vandal Perfec. \. 3.

Zeno^ though perfecftJy Orthodox in his Prin-
ciples, yet was a very wicked and profligate Prince,
and rendered himfelf fo extremely hateful to his
own Family, by his Vices and Debaucheries, that
Baftlifcusy Brother of Verina^ Mother qI Zeno^^
• . Emprefs,

T>&^ History ^ Persecittion.' 137

Emprefs, expelled him the Empire, and reigned
in his ftead ; and having found by Experience, thatEvag, I. j;
the Decrees of the Council of Chalcedon had oc-c*4'
cafioned many Difturbances, he by an Edidt or-
dained, that the Nicene Creed alone fhould be ufed
in all Churches, as being the only Rule of the pure
Faith, and fufficienc to remove every Herefy, and
perfectly to unite all the Churches ; confirming at
the fame Tirtie the Decrees of the Councils of Con-
fiantinople and Ephefus. But as to thofe of the
Council of Chalcedon, he ordered, that as they had
deftroyed f he Unity and good Order of the Churches,
and the Peace of the whole World, they fhould be
anathematized by all the Bifhops 5 and that where-
ever any Copies of thofe Articles fhould be found
^bey fhould be immediately burnt. And that who*-
(oever after this fhould attempt, either by Difpute
or Writing, or Teaching, at any Time, Manner
or Place, to utter, or To much as name the No-
velties that had been agreed on at Chalcedon con-»
trary to the Faith, fhould, as the Authors of Tu-
nauks and Seditions in the Churches of God, and as
Enemies to God and himfelf, be fubjeft to all the
Penalties of the Laws, and be depofcd, if Bifhops
or Clergymen -, and if Monks or Laicks, be pu-
nifhed with Banifhment, and Confifcation of their
EfFefts, and even with Death it felf. Mofl of theL h e-?*
eaflern Bifhops fubfcribed thefe Letters o^Baftlifcus ;
^nd being afterwards met in Council at EpbefuSy
they depofed Acacius the orthodox Bifhop of Con-
ftantinopUy and many other Bifhops that agreed with
him. They ^Ifo wrote to the Emperor to inform
him, That they had voluntarily Jubfcribed his Letters^
and to perfuadc him to adhere to them, or that
otherwife th^ whole World would be fubvertedj if the
T>ecrees of the Synod of Ch2i\Qtdon Jhould be re-ejla-
ilijhedj which had' already produced innumerable Slaugh-
ters^

%^t The HlSTORV^PfeRSECUTIOK.

terSi and occafion^d thejhedding of the Blood of the^r^
ihodox Chrijlians. But AcaciuSj Bifliop of Conftartr
tinopky foon forced Bafilifcm to alter his Meafures,
by raifing up the Monks and Mob of the City
againft him ; fo that he recalled his former Letters,
and ordered N^Jiorius and Eutyches^ with all their
Followers, to be anathematized, and foon after

IByag. 1. 3. he quitted the Empire to Zi?;^^?, Upon his Refto-

«»S>9. ration be immediately refcinded the Afts of Baft-
lifcusj and expelled thofe Biftops from their Sees
which had been ordained during his Abdication.
In the mean Time the Aftatick Bifbops, who in
their Letter to Bajilifcus had declared, that the
Report of their fubfcribing involuntarily^ and by
fo'rce^ was a Slander and aL'^e ; yet, upon this Turci
cf Affairs, in order to excufe themfelvcs tqJcacius^
Jind to^ ingratiate themfelves with ZenOy affirm,
ThaUhey did'iVnot voluntarily^ but by force ^ fwearing
thai they had always^ and did now believe the Faith
of the Synod of Ghalcedon. Evagrius leaves it in
doubt, whether Zacharias defamed them, or whe-
the^- the Bifliops lyed, when they affirmed tha^
they fubfcribed involuntarily, and againfl their
Confciences.

c. I J* Zeno obferving the Difputes that had arifen thro'

the Decrees of the laft Council, publiflied his He^

ciii4. noticony or his uniting and pacifck EdiSf^ in whicl^
he confirmed the Nicene^ Conftantinopolitan^ and
Ephefine Councils, ordained that the Nicene Creed
Ihould be the Standard of Qrthodo^fy, declared
that neither himfelf nor the Churches have, or
had, or would have any other Symbol or Doftrine
but that, CQndertined iV>/?^n«j z.nd Eutyches^ andj
their Followers 5 and ordered, that whofpever had.
Or did think otherwife, either now or formerly^
whether at Chdlctdon or any other Synod, fhould
be anathematized. The Intention of the Emperop

^be HisTdRY of PERsfictf tioNJ i3|>

by this Edi(5t, was plainly to reconcile the Friends
and Oppofers of the Synod of Chalcedon ; for he
condemned Nejlorius. and Eutyches^ as that Council
Jiad done, bi^t did not anathematize thofe who
would not receive their Decrees, nor fubmit to them
^s of equal Authority with thofe of the three former
Cbuncits: But this Compromife was far from ha-

■ng the defined effeft.

truring thefe Things feveral Changes happened Ev«g.l. 3^
.ii tfee.Biflioprick of Alexandria. Timothyy Bifliop^' *^j('^.»!
of that Place, being dead, one Peter Mongus was
efefted by the Bifhops Suffragans of that See, whicl^
?^ enraged Zeno^ that he intended to have put hini
f 6 Death V but changed it for Banifhment, and
fimothy^ SuccefTpr of Proterius^ was fubfticuted in
iilis ropb. Upon fimothfs Death, Johfiy a Pref-
t);yter '6^ that Church, obtained the Biflioprick by
Sy mphyV and in defiance of an Oath he had takeii
ioZenby that he would never procure himfelf to be
elefted into that See. Upon this he was expelled,^
and Mongus reftored by the Emperor's Order.
Mongus immediately confented, and fubfcribed tOf
tiie pacifick Edi6t, and received into Communion
tlibfe who had forrherly been of a different Party*
Soon after this he v^as accufed by Calendioy Biihopc. kj;
qfJntiochy for Adultery, and for having publickly
anathematized the Synod of Cha}cedon at Alexan*
dJ^di ind though this latter Charge was true, yetc, iXt
fie foiemnly denied it in a Letter to Apacius Bilhop
oiConJtantinopUy inxmng with the Time, condemn-
ing and receiving It, juft as it fuited his Views, and
ierved his Intereft. But being at lafi: accufed beforec. to, %u
l^elix Biftiop of Romey he was pronounced an I^ere-
tick, excommunicated, and anathematized,

Anajlaftusy who fucceeded Zeno^ was himfelf aEvag* !.];•
great Lover of Peace, and endeavoured to pro- ^'^^^
ttiote it^ both amongft the Clergy and Laity,

and

fg^^^ TBe History of PERSEcuTiofir.

and therefore ordered, that there ftiould be no
Innovations in the Church whatfoever. But this
Moderation was by no means pleafing to the
Monks and Bifhops. Some of them were great
Sticklers for the Council of Chalcedony and would
not allow fo much as a Syllable or a Letter of their
Decrees to be altered, nor communicate with thofe
who did not receive them. Others were fo far
from fubmitting to this Synod, and their Deter-
minations, that they anathematized it ; whilft
others adhered to Zeno^s HenoticoHy and maintained
Peace with one another, even though they were
of different Judgments concerning the Nature of
Chrift. Hence the Church was divided into
Faftions, fo that the Bifhops would not commu-
nicate with each other. Not only the Eaftern
Bifhops feparated from the Weflern, but thofe of
the fame Provinces had Schifms amongft themfel ves.
The Emperor, to prevent as much as pofTible thefe
Quarrels, banifhed thofe who were mofl remark-
ably troublefome from their Sees, and particularly
the Bifhops of Conftantinople and Antiochy forbid-
ding all Perfons to preach either for or againfl the
Council of Chalcedony in any Places where it had
not been qfual to do it before •, that by allowing
all Churches their feveral Cufloms, he might pre-
vent any Difturbances upon account of Innovations*
Evag.l. s.But the Monks and Bifhqps prevented all th^fe
c» 31, j2,Attem,pts for Peace, by forcing one another to
make new ConfefHons atid Subfcriptions, and by
anathematizing all who differed from them as He-
reticksV fo that by their feditious and obflinate
Behaviour they occafioned innumerable Quarrels
and Murders in the^Erh^ire. They alfo treated
the Emperor himfelf with great Infolence, and
excommunicated him as an Enemy to the Synod
of Chdlcedon. Macedoniusj Bifhop of Conftantinople^
^- - i an4

The History of Persecution. i^I

and his Clergy, raifed the Mob of that City againfl: Evag. 1. j.
him, only for adding to one of their Hymns thefec.44.
Words, Who was crucified for us. And when for
this Reafon Macedonius was expelled his Bifhoprick,
they urged on the People to fuch an height of
Fury as endangered the utter Deftruftion of the
Cicy ; for in their Rage they fet Fire to feveral
Places in it, cut off the Head of a Monk, crying
out, he was an Enemy of the Trinity ; and were not
to be appeafed till the Emperor himfelf went a-
mongft them without his imperial Diadem, and
brought them to Temper by proper Submiflions
and Perfuafions. And though he had great reafon c. 34^
to be offended with the Bifhops for fuch Ufage,
yet he was of fo human and tender a Difpofition,
that though he ordered feveral of them to be de-
pofed for various Offences, yet apprehending that
it could not be effefted without Bloodfhed, he
wrote to the Prefed of Jfiaj Not to do any Thing
in the Affair^ if it would occafion the fhedding a ftngle
Drop of Blood.

Under this Emperor Symmachus Bifhop of Rome?htia.
expelled the Manichees from the City, and ordered
their Books to be publickly burnt before the Doors
of the Church.

Jujiin was more zealous for Orthodoxy than his Evag. 1. j*
PredecefTor Anaftafms^ and in the firft Year of hisc*4>9^
Reign gave a very fignal Proof of it. Severus^
fiilhop of Antiochy was warm againfl: the Council
ot Chalcedony and continually anathematizing it in
the Letters he wrote to feveral Biftiops ; and be-
caufe ?he People quarrelled on this Account, and
divided into feveral Parties, Juflin ordered the
Bifhop to be apprehended, and his Tongue to be
cut out ; and commanded that the Synod ofChal^
C€d(m{hou]dht preached up through all the Churches*
§f the Empire. Platina^Ko tells us, that he ba-

" nifhed

i^^ fhe If jsTORY of Persecution.

to vie. nifhed th^ Arians^ and gave their Churches to the
lohan. I. Orthodox. .IJormfda alfo, Bifhop of Rome^ irt
ranm imitation of liis Predeceflbr Symmacbus^ banilhed
the Reiiiainder of the Manichees^ and caufed their
Writing^ tp be burnt.
Evag. Lj» ^uftinianj his Succeffor in the Empire, faccceded
*•"• Jiim ajfp in his Zea] fqr the Council of Chakedon,
and bariiihed che Bifliops t)f Conjiantinople and Jn-
tioch J h^c^uk they would not obey his Orders, and
receive th€ Decrees of that Synod He alfo pub-
lifhed a Conftitution, by which he anathematized
them and all their Followers J and ordered, that
wbofoever Ihould preach their Opinions ftiould be
fubjeft to tlje moft grievous Punlfhments. By this
means nothing was openly preached in any of the
Churches but this Council y nor did any one dare
to anathematize it. And whofoever were of a con-
trary Opinion, they were compelled by innume-
rable Methods to come into the Orthodoit Faith.
Paul. In the third Year of his Reign he publifhed a Law^
Diacon. ordering that there fhould be no Pagans, nor He-
^* ^^* reticks, but orthodox Qhriftians only, allowing t6
Hereticks three Months only for their Converfiom
By another he deprived Hereticks of the Right of
Cod. de Succeflion. By another he rendered them inca-
Haeret. pable of being Witnefl]cs in any Trial againft Chri-
Hovel.^z.ftians. He prohibited them alfo from baptizing
^' '" any Perfons, and from tranfcribing heretical Books,
under the Penalty of having the Hand cue off.
'Thefe Laws were principally owing to the Per-
fuafions of the ^Bifhops. Thus 4g^p^t^Sy Bifhop
of Rome^ who had cpndemnqd\<f/?/&';wz/j, ibd de-
pofed him from his Sec oi Conjiantinople^ perfuaded
Jufiinian to banifh all thdfe whom he had cpn^
?J|un. demned for Herefy. Pelagius alfo defired; .that
Hereticks and Schifmaticks might be punifhcd by
the fecular Power, if chey would not be converted.

Th©

The History ^f Persecution. %^f

The Emperor was too ready to comply with this
Advice. But nocwkhftanding all this Zeal for Or-
thodoxy, and the cruel Edidts publifhed by him
for the Extirpacion of Herefy, he was infamoufly
Covetous, fold the Provinces of the Empire to^v^agl-*
Plunderers and Oppreffors, ftripped the Wealthy ^' J^'-
of their Eftate^ upon falfe Acculations and forged
Crimes, and went Partners with common Whores
in their Gains of Proftitution ; and what is worfe,
in the Eftates of thofe whom thofe Wretches falfely
accufed of Rapes and Adulteries. And yet, that
he might appear as Pious as he was Orthodox, he
built out of thefe Rapincsand Plunders many (lately
and magnificent Churches ; many religious Houfes
for Monks and Nuns, and Hofpitals for the Relief
of the Aged and Infirm. Evagrius alfo charges^' J^^
him with more than beftial Cruelty in the Cafe of
the Venetians^ whom he not only allowed, but even
by Rewards encouraged to murder their Enemies
at Noon-day, in the very Heart of the City, to
J>Teak open Houfes, and plunder the Pofleffors of
their Riches, forcing them to redeem their Lives
at the Expence of all they had. And if any of his
Officers puniflied them for thefe Violences, they
were fure to be puniflied themfelves with Infamy
or Death. And that each fide might tafte of his
Severities, he afterwards turned his Laws againfl:
the Venetians J putting great Numbers of them to
Death, for thofe very Murders and Violences h«
had before encouraged and fupported.

S E C T*

144 '^be History o^ Persecution.

S E C T. VII.

^be fecond Council at Conftantinople 5 or fifth
General Council.

^Urlng his Reign^ in the 24Ch Year of it, was
held the fifth general Council at Confiantinople^
A. C 553. confiding of about 165 Fathers. The
Occafion of fheir Meeting was the Oppofition that
was made to the four former general Councils, and
particularly the Writings of Origen^ which Eufta^
thiusj Bifliop of Jerufalem^ accufed, as full of many
Evag.l,4.dangerous Errors. In the firft SefEons it was de-
^ 3^" bated. Whether tbofe who were dead were to he ana-
thematized? One JE^/y^/bi«j looked with Contempt
on the Fathers for their Hefitation in fo plain a
Matter, and told them, that there needed no Deli*
beration about it; for that King J.ofias formerly
did not only deftroy the idolatrous Priefts who were
living, but. dug alfo thofe who^ had been dead long
before out of their Graves. So clear a Determina-
tion of the Point, who could refill ? The Fathers
immediately were convinced, and Juftinian czxiftd
tiim to be confecrated Bifhop of C(?;?/^^«//»^p/^, in
the room oi Menas^ juft deceased, for this his Skill
in Scripture and Cafuiftry. The Confequence was,
that the Dec:rees of the four preceding Councils
^erc all confirmed ; thofe who were condemned by
them re-condemned and anathematized, particu-
larly Jheodorus Bifhop of Mopfuefiia^ and /to, with
their Writings, as favouring the Impieties ofNeJio-
rius\ and finally, Origen^ with all his deteftible
and execrable Principles, and all Perfons what-
soever who fhould think, or fpeak of them, or dare
to defend them. After thefe Tranfadlions the
Synod fcnt an Account of them to Jujtinian^ whom

they

^he iilSTORY^PERSECUTION* I45

they Gomplimented with the Title o{ the mojl Chn-V.yzg. I.4,
'Jtian Ktng^, ^f^^ ^^^^ having a Soul partaker of the^' 3 9'
heavenly Nobility. And yet foon after thefe I^Jat-
teries his moft Chrirtian Majefty turned Heretick
himfeh,, and endeavoured with as much Zeal to
prppagate Hcrefy, as he had done Orthodoxy
before: He publifhed zn Edi^t, by which he or*
dained. That the Body of Chrijl^ was incorruptihkj
and incapable even of natural and innocent Paffions ;
that before his f)eath he eat in the fame manner as he
did aflt r his Refurreoiion^ receiving no Con^erfion or;
Change from his very Formation in the PFofnb, neither
in his voluntary -or natural Affeflions^ nor dfier his ,.
Refurre^ion. But as, he was endeavouring to forced- 41*
the Bifiiops tq receive his Creed, God \vas pleafed,
as Evagrius obferves, t,o ci)t him ofFj artd not-
wirhftanding the heavenly Nobility of his Souly /6<?l-5*c. !♦
went^ as the fame Author charitably fuppofes,
io the DeviL , , , ,. ■,.,■,

Hunnerick^ the Jrian King of the Vandals^ tfeatedl.4» c. i^i
the Orthodox in this Emperor's Reign with great
Quelty in Africa^, becaufe they woUld not em-
brace the Priqcipies of Ariiis i feme he burnt, and
others he defti*oyed by different Kinds of Death ;'
ne ordered the 1 oho-ues of feveral of them to be
^ut out, who afcerv/ards made their Efcape td
Co?ijlantinople',:\\htvc_ProcopiuSji( you will be-*
lieve him, affirms he heard them fpeak as di-
ftinclly ,as if their Tor/gues had remained in
(heir Heads. Jiiftiitian himfelf mentions them^
ip one of his Conttitutions. Two of them, how-
ever, who happened to be Whore-Mafters, lofl:
afterwards the Ufe of their Speech for this
Reafon, and the Honour and Grate of Maf«
fyrdom.

L' 'yu0

146 The History of pERSECUrioN.

Evag, I5. Jufttn the younger, who fucceeded Jujlinian^
«^-i» publifhed an Edi<5t foon after his Advancement,
by which he fent all Biftiops to their refpeftive
Sees, and to perform divine Worfbip according to
the ufual Manner of their Churches, without ma-
king any Innovations concerning the Faith. As to
his perfonal Charadler, he was exrremely diflblute
and debauched, and addidied to the moft vile and
criminal Pleafures. He was alfo fordidly Cove-
tous, and fold the very Bifhopricks to the belt
Bidders, putting them up to publick Auftion*
c. 2. Nor was he lefs remarkable for his Cruelty: He
had a near Relation of his own Name, whom he
treacheroufly murdered; and of whom he was fo
jealous, that ^e could not be content till he and
his Emprefs had trampled his Head under their
3. Feet. However, he was very Orthodox, and

publifhed a new Explication of the Faith, which
for Clearnefs and Subtlety exceeded all that went
before it. In this he profeffes. That he believed in
Father^ Son^ and Holy Spirit^ the Confubjiantial
. Trinilyy one Deity^ or Nature^ or EJfence^ and one
Virtue y Power and Energy^ in three Hypoftafes or
Perfons ; and that he adored the Unity in "trinity^ and
the trinity in Unity^ having a mojl admirable Divi-^
fton and Union ; the Unity according to the EJfence
or Deity -, the "Trinity according to the Properties^ Hy-
fojiafes or Perfons ; for they are divided indivifibly ;
or if I may fofpeak^ they are joined together feparately.
* The Godhead in the Three is One^ and the Three are
One^ the Deity being in them •, or to fpeak more accU"
rately^ which Three are the Deity. It is God the Father ^
God the Son^ and God the Holy Ghoftj when each Perfon
is conftdered by it felf^ the Mind thus feparating
Things infep arable ; but the Three are God^ when
conftdered together^ being one in Operation and Nature.
2 Wc

The History oj Persecution. - 147

tVe believe alfo in one only begotten Son of God, God the

JVord for the Holy 'Trinity received no Addition of

a fourth P erf on, even after the' Incarnation of God the
Word, one of the holy Trinity, But our Lord Jefus
Chrifl is one and the fame, Confubflantial to God^ even
the Father, accordi?^g to his Deity, and Confubflantial
to us according to his Manhood \ liable to fuffering in
the Fle/h, but impaffible in the Deity. For we do not
own that God the Word, who wrought the Miracles^
was on^, and he that fuffered another -, but we confefs
that our Lord Jefus Chrifl, the Word of God, was one
and the fame, who was made Flefh and became perfe£f
Man ', and that the Miracles and Sufferings were of
one and the fame : For it was not any Man that gave
himfelf for us, but God the Word himfelf, being made
Man without change ; fo that when we confefs our
Lord Jefus Chrifl to be one and the fame, compounded
of each Nature, of the Godhead and Manhood, we do
not introduce any Confufwn or Mixture by the Union ^^-^
for as God remains in the Manhood, fo alfo never thelefs
doth the Man, being in the Excellency of the Deity ^
Emanuel being both in one and Ahe fame, even one God
and alfo Man. And when we confefs him to be perfeSl
in the Godhead, and perfe^ in the Manhood, ofwhish
he is compounded, we don't introduce a Divifton in part^
or Se5iion to his one compounded Perfon, but only fignify
the Difference of the Natures, which is not taken away
ty the Union \ for the divine Nature is not converlm
into the human, nor the human Nature changed into the
divine. But we fay, that each being confidered, or
rather a5lually exi/ling in the very Definition or Reafon
^f its proper Nature, conflitutes the Onenefs in Perfon.
Now this Onenefs as to Perfon fignifies that God the
Word, i* e. one Perfon 6f the three Perfons of the God^
head was not united to a pre-exiflent Man, but that he
formed to himfelf in the Womb of our holy Lady Mary,
furious Mother of God, and ever a Virgin, and out of^

L 2 her^

148 The HiBTORY ^/ PEHSECtrtlON.

ber^ in his l)zvn Per/on^ Fiejh conjubjlantial to uSy and
liable to all the fame PaJfwnSy without Sin^ nm?nated with

a reafonable and tntelle5fual Soul For confidering

bis inexplicable Onenefs^ we orthodoxly confefs one Nature
of God the Word made Flejh^ and 'jet conceiving in ou'r
Minds the Different of the Natures^ we fay they are
two J not introducing any manner of Divifton. For each
Nature is in him j fo that we confefs hin} to be one and
the fame Chrifi^ one Son^ one Perfon^ one HypoftafeSy
God and Man together. Moreover^ we anathematize
all who have^ or do think otherwife^ and judge thetn
as cut off from the holy Catholick, and apoJloUck Church
of God. To this extraordinary Edift, all, fays the
Hiftorian, gave their Confent, eftetming it to be
very Orthodox, though they were not more united'
amongft themfelves than before.
Platinia Under Mauricius^ John Bifhop of Conjiantinopie^
vit.Greg. in a Council held at that City, ftiled himfelf Oecu-
^' menical Bifhop, by the Confent of the Fathers

there aflembled ; and the Emperor himfelf ordered
Gregory to acknowledge him in that Chara6ter.
Gregory ablblutely refuied it, and replied, that thri
Power of binding and loofing was delivered to
Peter and his Succeffors, and not ro the Bifhops of
Conftantinople '^ admonifhing him to take care, that
he did not provoke the Anger of God againft him-
felf, by raifing Tumults in his Church. This
Pope was the firft who ftiled himfelf, Servus Ser-
vorum Deiy Servant of the Servants of God ; and
1.6. Epift. had fuch an Abhorrence of the Title of Univerfal
^^"^^ Bilhop, that he faid, / confidently affirm^ thai who-
foever calls himfelf univerfal Prieji is the Forerunner of
Antiehrifi^ by thus proudly exalting himfelf above others.
Platin in But however modeft Gregory was in refufing and
vit. Bonify condemning this arrogant Title, Boniface IIL
thought bfettcf of the Matter, and after great
Struggles, prevailed with PbocaSy who rtiu.rdered

Mauricius

The History ^Persecution'. 149

Maiiricius the Emperor, to declare, that the See
of the bicfled Apoftle Peter^ which is the Head o:^
all Churches, fhould be fo called and accounted
by all, and the Bifliop of it Oecumenical or upi-
verllil Bifhop. The Church of Canftantimple had
claimed this Precedence and Dignity, and was^
fometimes favoured herein by the Emperors, who
declared, that the firft See ought to be in ch^c
Place which was the Head of the Empire. The
/?^;«^;; Pontiffs, on the other hand, affirmed, that
Ro?ne^ of which Conjianiinople was but a Colony,
ought to be efteemed the Head of the Empire,
becaufe the Greeks themfelves, in their Writings,
llile the Emperor Roman Emperor, and the In-
habitants of Conftantifwple are called Romans^ anc|
i|ot Greeks ; not to mention that Peter^ the Prince
of the Apoftles, gave the Keys of the Kingdom of
Heaven to his Succeflbrs, the Popes of Ro??ie.
On this Foundation was the Superiority of the
Church of Rome to that of all other Churches
built ; and Phocas^ who was guilty of all Villanies,
was one of the fitteft Perfons that could be found
to gratify Boniface in this Requeft. Boniface alfo
called a Council at Rome^ where this Supremacy
was confirmed, and by whom it was decreed, that
Bilhops fhould be chofen by the Clergy and People,
approved by the Prince of the City, and ratified
by the Pope with thefe Words, Volumus i^ jubemus^
For this is our Will and Command. To reward
Phocas for the Grant of the Primacy, he approved
the Murder of Mauritius^ and very honourably re-,
ceived his Images, which he fent to Rome. And
having thus wickedly poffelTed themfelves of this;
unrighteous Power, the Popes as wickedly ufed it,
foon brought almofl the whole Chriflian. World
into fubjeclion to them, and became the Perfe-
Gutors General of the Church of God i^ proceeding

L 3 ^ froni

J50 ^he HlSTOHY ^PEESECUtioN.

from one Ufurpation to another, till at Jaft they
brought Emperors, Kings and Princes into fubr
. jedion, forcing thenD to ratify their unrighieoua
Decrees, and to punifh, in the fevereft Manner,
all that fhould prefume to oppofe and contradift
them, till fhe became drunken with the Blood of ths
Saints^ and with the Blood of the Martyrs of J ejus,
Babylon the Great^ the Mother of Harlots^ and Abo-
tg^inaiions of the \E'artb.

The Inquifition is the Mafter-piecepf their Por
Jicy and Cruelty; and fuch an^ Invention for the
Suppreflion of Religion and Truth, Liberty and
Knowledge, Innocence and Virtue, as could pro-
ceed from no other Wifdom but that which is earthly^
fenfualy and devilijh. And as the Hiftory of it,
which I now pref^nt my Reader with a faithful
Abftraft of, gives the mod perfed Account of the
Laws and Praftices of this accurfed Tribunal,
I fhall not enter into the Detail of Popilb Perfe-
cutions, efpecially as we have a full Account of
thofepradlifed amongft our felves in Fox and other
Writers, who have done Juftice to this Subjed,
I (hall only add a few Things relating to the two
other general Councils, as they are ftiled by Ec-
clefiaftical Hiftorians.*
Pkt.invit. Under Heracliusy the Succeffor of P/^^^<^i, gi'^at
Honorii I. Difturbances were raifed upon Account of what
they called the Herefy of the Monothelites^ i. e.
thofe who held there were not two Wills, the
Divine and Human, in Chrift, but only one fingle
Will or Operation. The Emperor himfelf was
of this Opinion, being perfuadcd into it by Pyrrhus
Patriarch of Conflantinople^ and Cyrus Bifhop of
Alexandria. And though he afterwards feems to
have changed his Mind in this Point, yet in order
to promote Peace, he put forth an Edid, forbid-
ding Difputes or Qtiarrels, on either fide the

Queftiona

The HisTORY^ ^/'Persecution. 15 ^

Qucftion. Conflans^ his Grandfon, was of the
fame Sentiment, and at the Inftigation of Paul
B\(hop of Conjianlwopley grievoufly perfecuted thofe
who would not agree with him. Martyriy Pope of P'^^-i*^ vjr,
Rome^ fent his Legates to the Emperor and Pa-^*"'
triarch to forfake their Errors, and embrace the
Truth ; but his Hoh'nefs was but Jitcle regarded,
and afcer his Legates were imprifoned and whipped^
they were fent into Banifliment. This greatJy en-
raged Martyn^ who convened a Synod at Rofne of
150 Bifhops, who decreed, that whofoever fhould
not confefs two fVills^ and two Operations united^ the
Divine and the Human ^ in one and the fame Chriji^
Jhould be anathema^ and that Paul Bifhop of Con-
Jlantinople fhould be condemned and depofed.' The
Emperor highly refentcd this Cohduft, and fenc
Olympius Hexarch into Itabj to propagate th^ Mono-
thelite Dodlrine ; and either to kill Martyn^ or fend
him Prifoner to Conftantinople. Olympius not being
able to execute either Defsgn, Theodorus was fent
in his room, who apprehended the Pope, put him
in Chains, and got him conveyed to the Emperor^
who after ignominioufly treating him, banilhed
him to PontuSy where he died in great Mifcry and
Want. The Bifhops of C(?;?/?^;^i*s Party were greatly ^^'-'^^
affiftant to him in this Work of Perfecution, and^p^j^^ ^
fhewed more Rageagainft their Fellow-Chriftians,cii, u
than they did againft the very Barb^riaps them^
fejveso

?S^^

L 4 SECT.

Jcz 'fke History of Persecution.

SECT. VIII.

T^he TMrd Council at Conftantinople ; or Sixth
General Council.^

COnflantine^ the elcjeft Son of Conjlans^ cut off
his two younger Brothers Nofcs, that thejr
might not fhare the Empire with him ; but howr
ever happened to tie more Orthodox than his Pre-
platJnvir.^eceflors^ and by the Perfuafion of Jgaiho^ Pope
Agath. of Rome, convened the Sixth Gerieral Council at
Qonjlantinople^ A. p. 680. in which were prefent
289 Bifhops; The Fathers of this holy Synod
.complimented the Emppror with being another
David, raifed up by Chrrjl, their God^ a Man after
his own Heart \ who had, not given Sleep to his Eyes^
nor Slumher to his Eye-lids^ till he had gathered them
together^ to find out the perfect tiule of Faith.
After this they condemned the Herefy of one Will
in Chrifl, and declared, That they glorified two na-
tural Wills and Operations^ in divi fitly ^ incorivertibly^
without Confufion^ and infeparahly in the. fame Lord
Jefus Chrifl^ our true God^ i. e. the divine Operation^
and the human Operation. So that now the Or-
thodox Faith, in reference to Chrift, was this ; that
be had two Natures, the divine and hiiman ; that thefe
tzvo Natures were united^ without Confufion., into one
ftngle Pirjon ; and that in this one fingle Perfon^ there
were two dijJin^ li^ilts and Operations^ the human and
divine. Thus, at laft, 680 Years after Chrift,
was the Orthodox F^aith, relating to his Deity^
Humanity, Nature and Wills, decided and fettled
by this Synod 5 who, after having pronounced
Anathemas againft the Living and Dead, ordered
the Burning of heretical Books, and deprived fe-
ver^l Eifliops of their Sees \ procured an Edidt

from

^he History ^Persecution. 153

from the Emperor, commanding all to receive
their Confeffion of Faith, and denouncing noc
only eternal, but corporal Puniihments to all Re-
cufants; viz. if they were Bifhops, or Clergymen,
br ^^lonks, they were to be baniflied ; if Laymen,
of ahyHank and Figure, they were to forfeit their
Eftates, and lofe their Honours ; if of the common
People, they were to be expelled the Royal City.
Thefe their definitive Sentences were concluded
with the ufual Exclamation, of, God jave the Em-
'peror^ Loftg live the Orthodox Emperor ; down with
the Heretic^ ; curjed he Eutyches, Macarius, 6fr.
"The Trinity hath deposed them.

The next Controverfy of Importance was rela-
ting to the WoVfhip of Images. ' The Refpeft due
to the Memories of the Apollles and Martyrs of the
Chriftian Church, was gradually carried into great
Superftition, and at length degenerated intq down-
right Idolatry. Not only Churches were dedi-
cated to them, but their Images placed in them,
and religious Adoration paid to them. Platina
tells us, that amongft many other Ceremonies in-
troduced by Pope Sixtus III. in the Fifth Century,
Ke p^rfuaded Valentinian the younger,, Emperor of
the IVejl^ to beautify and adorn the Churches, and
to place upon the Altar of St. Peter a golden Image
of our Saviour, enriched with Jewels, In the next
Century the Images of the Saints were brdught in,
and religious Worfhip paid ro them. This appears
from a Letter of Pope Gregoryh^ to the Bifhop of
Marfeilles, who broke in Pieces. certain Images,
becaufe they had been fuperftitionfly adored.
Gregory tells him, / commend you., that through ^zl.p. Ind.
pio%!i^ Zeal., you would not fuffer that which is vtade ^P* 9-
with Hands to be adored % but I blame you for breaking
the Images in Piece's : For Uis one Thing to adore a
Picl'ure^^ and another to learn by the Hijlory of the
' ' ' Pif^ure

154 ^^^ History of Persecution.

PiSfure what is to he adored. And elfewhere he de-
1.7.Ind.z.clares, that Images and Figures in Churches^ were
^P-.iop. verj ufeful for the InftruEiion of the Ignorant^ who
*""' could not read. Sergius^ after this, repaired the
Images of the Apoftles. John VIL adorned a
. ^ great many Churches with the Pidures and Ima-
ges of the Saints. And at length, in the Reign of
PhilippicuSy Confiantine tht Popty in a Synod held
at Romey decreed, that Images (hould be fixed up
in the Churches, and have great Adoration paid
them. He alfo condemned and excommunicated
the Emperor himfelf for Herefy ; becaufe he erafed
the Pi6lures of the Fathers, which had been painted
on the Walls of the Church of St. Sophia at Con-
Jlantinople ; and commanded, that his Images
ihould not be received into the Church \ that his
Name fhould not be ufed in any publick or pri-
vate Writings, nor his Effigies ftamped upon any
kind of Money whatfoever.

This Superftition of bringing Images into
Churches was warmly oppofed, and gave Oc-
cafion to many Pifturbances and Murders. The
Emperor Leo Ifaurus greatly difapproved this
Practice, and publifhed an Edid, by which he
0 commanded all the Subjefts of the Roman Empire

to deface all the Pidures, and to take away all
the Statues of the Martyrs and Angels out of the
Churches, in order to prevent Idolatry, threatning
to punifh thofe who did not, as publick Enemies,
plat.xn vit. Pope Gregory II. oppofed this Edi£t, and admo-
pregor.Il.nifhed all Catholicks, in no manner to obey it.
This occafioned fuch a Tumult at Ravenna in
//^/y, between the Partifans of the Emperor and
the Pope, as ended in the Murder of Paul^ Exarch
of Italy, and his Son ; which enraged the Emperor
in an high Degree -, fo that he ordered all Perfons
to bring to him all their Images of Wood, Brafs

and

The History of Persecution. i^^

and Marble, which he publickly burnt; punifh-
ing with Death all fuch as were found to conceal
them. He alfo convened a Synod at Conjlan-
tinople 9 where, after a careful and full Exami-
nation, it was unanimoufly agreed, that the In-
terceflicn of the Saints was a mere Fable; and the
Worfhip of Images and Relids was downright
Idolatry, and contrary to the Word of God*
And as Germanus^ Patriarch of Conftantinople^ fa*
voured Images, the Emperor banifhed him, and
fubftituted AnafiafiuSy who was of his own Senti-
ments, in his room. Gregory III. in the begin- Pl^ria,
ning of his Pontificate, affembled his Clergy, and
by their unanimous Confent, depofed him on this
Account, from the Empire, and put him under
Excommunication ; and was the firft who with-
drew the Italians from their Obedience to the Em-
perors of Conftantinople^ calling in the Afliftance
oi Charles King of France. After this, he placed
the Images of Chrilt and his Apoftles in a more
fumptuous Manner than they were before upon
the Altar of Sr. Peter^ and at his own Expence
made a golden Image of the Virgin Mar'j^ holding
Chrift in her Arms, for the Church of St. Mar'j
ad Pr^fepe.

' Ccnftantine Copron'^tnus^ Leo^s Son and SuccefTor
in the Empire, inherited his Father's Zeal againft
the Worlhip of Images, and called a Synod at
Conftantinople to determine the Controverfy. The
Fathers being met together, to the Number of
330, after confidering the Dpdrine of Scripture,
^nd the Opinions of the Fathers, decreed, That
ever'j Image ^ of whatsoever Materials made and form-
ed by the Artijl^ fhould he caft out of the Chriftiant
Church as a ftrange and abominable "Thing ; adding an
Anathema upon all who fhould make Images or Pictures ^
or Repirefentc^tions of God^ orofCbriJl, or of the Virgin

Mary,

X56 7he History ^ Perskcution.

Mary, or of ati'j of the Saints j condemning it as a vain
and diaholical Invention ; depofing all Bijhops, and
fuhje5ling the Monks and Laity ^ who Jhould fet up any
of them in publick or private^ to all the Penalties of
the imperial Conftitutions. They alfo depofed Con-
ftantine^ Patriarch of Conftantinople^ for oppofing
this Decree ; and the Emperor firft banifhed hjm^
and afterwards put him to EJeath ; and commanded,
That this Council Oiould be efteemed and received
as the feventh Qccumenical, or univerfal one.
Platln. in Paull. Pope of Rome^ fent his Legate to Conjia^-
vit.Paul.r.^— ^^^^ to admonifh the EmperoV to reftore the
ficred Images and Statues which he had deftroy'd ;
and threatened him with E?;:communication upon
his Refufal. But Copronymus flighted the Meflage,
and treated the Legates with great Contempt, and
ufed the Image Worlhippers with a great deal of
5everity,

Conjlantinej Bifhop of Romej the Succcflbr of
Paul^ feems alfo to have been an Enemy to Ima-
ges, and was there tumulcuoufly depofed ; and
Id. in vir. f^^p^^;^ llj/ fubflituted in his Room, who was a
Stephani. ^^^^ ^pj furious Defender of them. He imme-
diately aflembled a Counci} in the Later an Church,
where the holy Fathers abrogated all Conftantine^s
Decrees ; deppfed all who had been ordained by
him Bifliops'i made void all his Baptifms and
Chrifms •, and, as fome^ Hiftorians relate, after
having beat him, and ufed him with great Indig-
nity, made a !Fire in the Church, and burnt him
therein. After this, they annulled all the Decrees
of the Synod of Conjlantinople^ ordered the Refto-
ration of Statues and Images, and anathematized
that execrable and pernicious Synod, giving this
excellent Reafon for the Ufe of Images ; 7hat if
^twas lawful for Emperors^ and thofe who had deferved
well of the Commonwealth y to have their Imager ene^ed^

Tbe tfisToRY of Persecution. 157

hut not lawful to fet up thofe of God^ tbe Condition of
the imrnortal God zvould be worfe than that of Men.
Afccr this the Pope publifhed the A6ls of the
Council, and pronounced an Anathema againft all
thofe who fhould oppofe ic.

SECT. IX.

^be fecond Nicene Council ; or Seventh General

Council.

rnr*^HUS the Myftery of this Iniquity worked^
X J^ill at length, under the Reign of Irene and
Con/tantine htv Son^ a Synod was packed up of fuch
Bifhops as were ready to make any Decrees that
fhould be agreeable ro the Roman Pontiff, and the
Emprefs. They mt-c at Mee^ An. 787. to the
Number of about 350. In this venerable AfTembly
it was decreed, Thai holy Imager of the Crofs fhould
he confecrated^ and put on the facred Veffels and Vefi--
, T^ents^ and upon IV alls and Boards^ in private Houfes
and publick fVays ; and efpecially that there fhould be
eretled Imager of the Lord our God^ our Saviour Jefus
Chriji^ of our blejfed Lady^ the Mother of God^ of the
venerable Angels^ and of ail the Saints. And that who-
foever fijould prejume to think or teach otherwife, or t»
throw away ansj painted Books ^ or the Figure of the
Crofs ^ or any Image or Pi£lure^ or any genuine Re-
U^s of the Martyrs^ they fhould^ if Bifhops or Clergy^
men, be depofed ; or if Monks or Laymen, be excom-
municated. Then they pronounced Anathemas
upon all who fhould not receive Images, or who
fhould call them Idols, or who fliould wilfully
communicate with thofe who rejeded and defpifed
them ; adding, according to Cuflom, Long live^
Conftanrinc and Irene bis Mother. Damnation to all
Ilereticks. Damnation on the Council that roared
X againft

158 ^he History ^Persecution.

againft venerable Images: The holy Trinity hath de^
fojed them.

Irene and Conjlantine approved and Aibfcribed
thefe Decrees, and the Confequence was. That
Idols and Images were ereded in all the Churches ;
and thofe who were againft them, treated with
great Severity. This Council was held under the
Popedom of //^<in^;^ I. and thus, by the Intrigues
of the Popes of i?^w^. Iniquity was eftablifhed by
a Law, and the Worfhip of Idols authorized and
eftablifhed in the Chriftian Church, though con-
trary to all the Principles of natural Religion, and
the Nature and Defign of the Chriftian Reve^
lation.

*Tis true, that this Decifion of the Council did
In vie. not put an intire End to the Controverfy. Platina
Hadrian I. ^^jj^ ^^^ ^j^^^ Conjlantine himfelf not long after an-
\ nulled their Decrees, and removed his Mother

from all Share in the Government. The Synod
alfo of Francforty held about fix Years after, de-
creed that the Worfhip and Adoration of Images
was impious •, condemned the Synod o^Hice^ which
had eftablifhed it, and ordered that it fhould not
be called either the Seventh, or an univerfal Council.
But as the Roman Pontiffs had engroffed almoft all
Power into their own Hands, all Oppofition to
Image Worfhip became ineffedual ; efpecially
as they fupported their Decrees by the Civil Power,
and caufed great Cruelties to be exercifed to-
wards all thofe who fhould dare difpute or con-
tradiftthem.

For many Years the World groaned under this
antichriftian Yoke \ nor were any Methods of
Fraud, Impofture and Barbarity, left unpraftifed
to fupport and perpetuate it. As the Clergy rid
Lords of the Univerfe, they grew wanton and in-
folent in their Power •, and as they drained the

Nations

Ihe History of Persecution. i^^

Nations of their Wealth to fupport their own
Grandure and Luxury, they degenerated into the
worft and vilcft fee of Men that ever burdened the
Earth. They were Ihamefully ignorant, and
fcandaloufly vicious ', well verfed in the moft ex-
quifite Arts of Torture and Cruelty, and abfo-
lutely diverted of all Bowels of Mercy and Com*
paffion towards thofe, who even in the fmalleft
Matters differed from the Dictates of their Super-
Hition and Impiety, The infamous Praftices of
that accurfed Tribunal, the Inquifition, the Wars
a-gainft Hereticks in the Earldom of Tholoufe^ the
Maffacres of Paris and Ireland^ the many Sacri-
fices they have made in Great- Britain^ the Fireaf
they have kindled, and the Flames they have light-
ed up in all Nations, where their Power hath been
acknowledged, witnefs againft them, and demon-
ftrate them to be very Monfters of Mankind. So
that one would really wonder, that the whole World
hath not entered into a Combination, and rifen in
Arms againfl fo execrable a Set of Men, and ex-
tirpated them as favage Beafts, from the Face of
the whole Earth ; who, out of a Pretence of Reli- ^
gion, have defiled it with the Blood of innumera-.
ble Saints and Martyrs, and made ufe of the Name
of the moft holy Jefus, to countenance and fandify
the moft abominable Impieties,

But as the Inquifition is their Mafter-piece of
hellilh Policy and Cruelty, I fhall give a more
particular Account of it in the following Book.

BOOK

i6o The History o/" PERSEctiTibrtf.

BOOK III.

Of Persecutions tmder the Papacy, and
particularly of the Inquisition.

FO R feveral Ages the Method of Proceeding
againft Hereticks was committed to the
Bifhops^ .with whoip tHe Government anc}
Care oif' the Churches were entrufted, according
to the received Decrees of the Church of Rome'.
But as their Number did not feem fufficient to the
Court, or hecaufe they did not proceed with that
I^ury againft He e icks as the Popes would have
them •, therefore, that he mfght put a ftop to the
mcreafing Progrqls of Herefyp and effectually ex-
tinguifh it, about the Tear of our Lord 1200, he
founded the Order of the TijmMicans and Fran-
cifcans. Domimck md his Followers were fent into
the Country of Tholoufe^ where he preached with
great Vehemence againft the Hereticks of thofc
Parts; from whence his Order have obtained the
Name of Predicants. Father Francis^ with his
Difciples, battled it with the Hereticlcs of Ilaly^
They were both commanded by the Pope to
excite the Catholick Princes and People to extir-
pate Hereticks, and in ^Jl Places to inquire oui;
cheir Number, and Quality •, and alfo the Zeal ojE
the CathoJlcks arid Bifhops in their Extirpation,*
and to tranfmit a faithful Account to Rome i
Hence they are called Inqui/tiors.

Dominkk being fent into the Country of Tboloufey^
was confirmed in the Office of Inquifitor by the
Papal Authority ; after which, upon a certain
Day, in the midft of a great Concourfe of People,
he declared openly in his Sermon, in the Church

The HisToitY ^Z' Persecution. i6l

of St. Prullian^ that he was rat fed to a new Office b'j
the Pope ; adding, that he was rejolved to defend^
with bis utmoft Vigour^ the Do£lrines of the Faith ;
and that if the fpintual Arm was not fufficient for this
End^ 'twas his Jixed Purpofe to call in the Affijlance
of the fecular one^ and to excite and compel the Ca^
tholick Princes to take Arms againft HeretickSj that the
'uery Memory of them might he irJirely dejiroyed^
It evidently appears that he was a very bloody
and cruel Man, He was born in Spain, in the
Village ofCalaroga, in the Diocefe of Ofma. His
Mother, before fhe conceived him, dreamt that
Jhe was with Child of a Whelp, carrying in his Mouth
a lighted Torch \ and that after he was born, he put
the IVorld in an Uproar by his fierce Barkings, and fet
it on Fire by the "Torch which he carried in his Mouth.
His Followers interpret this Dream of his Dodrine^
by which he enlighrned the whole World ; but:
others, with more Reafon, think that the Torch
was an Emblem of that Fire and Faggot, by which
an infinite Number of Perfons were confumed to
Afhes.

SEC T. I.

Of the Progrefs of the Inquisition*

DOminick being fettled in the Country of Tho-^
loufe, fenc a great Number of Perfons, wear-
ing Crofles, to deftroy the Albigenfes in thofe Parts \
and caufed the Friars of his Order to promife ple-
nary Indulgences to all who would engage in the
pious Work of murdering Hereticks. He alfo
caufed Raymond Earl of Tboloufe to be cxcommir-
nicated, as a Defender of Hereticks, and his Sub-
jects to be abfolved from their Oatns of Allegiance.
The Crofs- bearers, being thus fenc by Dominick,

M filled

i62 The History (?/' Persecution.

filled all Places wich Slaughter and Blood, and
burnt many whom they had taken Prifoners*
In the Year 1209. l^iterre was taken by them , and
the Inhabitants, without any Regard of Age, were
cruelly put to the Sword, and the City it felf de-
ftroy'd by the Flames: And tho' there were fe-
veral Caiholicks in it, yet, left any Hereticks
Ihould efcape, Arnold Abbot of Cijieaux cried out.
Slay them alU for the Lord knows who are his ; upon
which they were all flain, without Exception.
Carcajjone alfo was deftroy'd, Alhy and La Vaur
taken by force ; in which laft Place they hanged
Aymerick the Governor of the City, who was of
a noble Family, beheaded eighty of lower De-
gree, and threw Girarda^ Aymerick^s Sifter, into
an open Pit, and covered her with Stones. After-
wards they conquered Carcum^ where they mur-
dered fixty Men. They feized on Villeneuue^ a
large City near Toolou[e^ and burnt in it 400 ^Z-
higenfes^ and hanged 50 more. They alfo took
Cajires de Termis^ and in it Raymond Lord of the
Place, whom they put in Jail, where he died ;
and burnt in one large Fire his Wife, Sifter, and
Virgin Daughter, becaufe they would not em-
brace the Faith of the Church of Rome. They
alfo took Avignon by Treachery, and in defpite of
their Oaths plundered the Ciry, and killed great
Numbers of the Inhabitants; and at laft forced
the brave Earl to furrender Tboloufe it felf, and
then ftripp'd him of his Dominions, and would not
abfolve him from his Excommunication, without
walking in Penance to the high Altar, in his Shirt
and Breeches, and wirh naked Feet. Upon this
Conqueft and Deftruftion of the Albigenfes^ the In-
quifition proceeded with Vigour, and was efta-
bliflied by feveral Councils at Tboloufi and Nar-
bonne.

2 In

The History of Persecution. \i6i

In the Year 1232. the Inquifition was broughc
into Aragon^ and Pope Gregory gave Commiflion *
to the Archbifhop oCTarracone^ and his Suffragans,
to proceed againft all Perfons infedted with here-
tical Pravity ; and accordingly the Inquifition w4s
there carried on with the greateft Rigour.

In 1 251. Pope Innocent IV. cvf^^ttd Tnquifitors
in Italy ; and the Office was commirted to theFrt"
ars Minors^ and Predicants, The Friars Minors
were appointed in the Gity of Rome the Pa-
trimony of Sr. Peter^ Tufcany^ the Dutchy of Spa-
lettOj Campanta^ Maretamo^ ai^d Romania. To the
Predicants he affigned Lombardy^ Romaniola^^'i\\^
Marquifate of Tarvefano^ and Genoa \ ^n(\ gar\i^
them certain Anicles to be prefcribed to (he MS-
giftrates and People fubjed to their Jurifdiftion,
with Power to excominunicate all who refufed to
obferve them \ and in Procefs of Time Tribunals
of the Inquifition were erefted in Germany^ Atffirid^
Hungary^ Bohemia^ Polandy Dalmatia, Bofnia, Ra^
gufia^ and in all Places where the Power of the
Pope could extend it felf. Innumerable Cruelties
were pradifed upon thofe whorfj the Judges con-
demned for Hereiy : Some were burnt alive, others
thrown into Rivers, tied Hand and Foor, and fo
drowned ; and others deftroyed by different Me-
thods of Barbarity.

Ferdinand and Ifahella having united the feveral
Kingdoms of Spain by their In er-^:Ia^riage, in-
troduced, in the Year 1478. the Inquifition into
all their Kingdoms, with greater Pomp, tVTagni-
ficence and Power, than v. had ever yet appeared in^ ^
The Jews were the firfl: who felt the Fury o^ it.
A fet Time was appointed by the Inquifi ors f6r
them to come in and make Confeffion of their
Errors, in the Year 148 1. Accordingly about
1700 of both Sexes appeared, who had their Lives

M 2 granted

164 ^f^he HisToRV ^Persecution.

granted them. Many however refufed to obey,
and perfifted in their Herefy. On this they were
immediately feized ; and thro' the Violence of
their Torments great Numbers confeffed their
Crimes, and were thrown into the Fire j fome ac-
knowledging Chrift, and others calling on the
Name o{ Mofes* Within a few Years, two Thou-
fand of them of both Sexes were burnt. Others
profefling Repentance, were condemned to per-
petual Imprifonment, and to wear Crofles. The
Bones of others who were dead were taken out of
their Graves, and burnt to Aflies ; their EfFefts
confifcated, and their Children deprived of their
Honours and OiRces. The Jews being terrified
by this Cruelty fled, fome into Portugal, others
into Italy and France \ and left all their EfFeds be-
hind them, which were immediately feized on for
the King's Ufe. At length, in 1494. to purge
their Kingdoms intirely iromjewijh Superftition,
Ferdinand and Ifabel by a Law ordered them to
depart all their Dominions within four Years ; for-
bidding them ever to return to Spain, under the
Punifhment of immediate Death. Moft Writers
affirm that there were 170000 Families who de-
parted : Others fay there were 800000 Perfons ;
a prodigious Number, almoft exceeding Belief.

In the Year 1500. the Archbifliop of Toledo
took great Pains to convert the Moors of Granada
to Chriftianity. He firft of all gained over fome
of their chief Priefts by Gifts and Favours. Others,
who refufed to become Chriftians, he put in Irons
in Jail, and ordered them to be ufed with great
Cruelty ; and by thefe Methods gained many Con-
verts. Ferdinand at laft publilhed an Edi6t againft:
them, commanding them in general to become
Chriftians, or depart his Dominions within a
certain Day.

This

The History of Persecution. i6^

This Tribunal, firft ereded to difcover Jews
and Moorsy foon began to proceed againft Here-
ticks, and CO exercife the fame Cruelties againft
thefe as they had againft the others. Charles V.
King of Spain^ who with great Difficulty had
brought the Inquifition into the Netherlands^ againft
the Lutherans and Reformed, recommended it to
his Son Philip in his Will -, and Philip gave full
Proof of his Zeal to execute his Father's Com-
mands. For when he was requefted by many to
grant Liberty of Religion in the Low Countries^
he proftrated himfelf before a Crucifix, and ut-
tered thefe Words : / befeech the Divine Majejijj
that I ma'^ always continue in this Mind ; that I may
never fuffer wy felf to he^ or to be called the Lord of
thoje any where^ who deny 'T'hee the Lord. Nor is
this any Wonder : For the Popifh Divines endea-
voured to perfuade the Kings of Spain that the In-
quifition was the only Security of their Kingdom*
No one can wonder, that under this Perfuafion,
the Spanijh Kings have been violent Promoters of
the Inquifition ; and that they have inflided the
moft cruel Punifliments upon the miferable Here-
ticks. Philip II. not only in the Low Countriesy
but alfo in Spain^ fliew'd himfelf the Patron of it ;
and that the moft outragious Cruelty was accep-
table to him. He gave fome horrid Specimens
of it in the Year 1559. in two Cities of Spain^
when he came thither from the Low Countries:

Immediately on his Arrival^ as Thuanus relates, Vol. I.

he hegan to chaftifc the Sedaries. And whereas Hb. 13.

before this, one or more, juft as it happened, ^^' ^"^'^

4(
<C
CC

" were delivered to the Executioner, after Con-
*' demnation for Hcrefy ; all that were condemned

throughout the whole Kingdom were kept

againft his Coming, and carried together to

Seville^ and Valladolid^ where they were brought

M 3 " forth

l66 T'he History of Persecution.

^' forth in publick Pomp to their Punilhment.
*' The firft Aft of Faith was at 5m//^, the 8rh
*' of the Calends of O^oher ; in which John Ponce
*^ de Leon^ Son of Rhoderick Ponce Comte de Baylen^
'^ was led before the others, as in Triumph, and
burnt for an obftinate heretical Lutheran. John
Confahus^ a Preacher, as he had been his.Com-
panion in Life, was forced to bear him Com-
pany in his Death ; after whom followed /yi-
bella Ventay Maria Viroes^ Cornelia^ and Bohor-
cbes ; a Spedacle full of Pity and Indignation,

*' v/hich was encreas'd, becaufe Bohorches^ the
*' youngeft of all of them, being fcarce Twenty

4.C

fufFer'd Death with the greateft Conftancy.

And becaufe the heretical Aflemblies had pray'd
^' in the Houfe of Venia^ it was concluded in her
*' Sentence, and order'd to be levelled with the
*' Ground. After thtic C2ime'{onh Ferdinand San
f'- Juan^ and Julian Hernandez^ commonly called
^* the Litile^ from his fmall Stature, and John of
*^ heon^ who had been a Shoemaker zt Mexico in
•' New Spain^ and was afterwards admitted into
*' the College of St. Ifadore ; in which his Compa-
*• nions ftudied, as they boafted, the purer Do-
*' dlrine privately. Their Number was encreas'd
^' by Frances Chaves^ a Nun of the Convent of
'^ St. Elizabeth^ who had been inftructed by John
*' yEgidiuSj a Preacher at Seville^ and (uffer'd
*' Death with great Conftancy. From the fame
*' School came out Chrifiopher Lofada^ a Phyfician,
^' and Cbriftopber de Arellanio^ a Monk c f St. Ifi-
*'• dore^ and Gar ft as Arias -, who firft kindled thofe
'^ Sparks of the fame Religion amongft the Friars
'' of St. Ifidore, by his conftant Admonitions and
*^ Sermons, by which the great Pile was after-
*^ wards. fet on Fire, and the Convent it felf, and

good Part of that mbft opulent City.almort con-

^' fumed.

4(
44

T&e History i^/' Persecution,

fumed. He was a Man of uncomnnon Learning,
but of an inconftanf, wavering Temper ; and
being exceeding fjbtle in difpuiing, he refuted
the very Dodrines he had perfuadcd his Fol-
lowers to receive, tho' he brought them into
Danger on that Account from the Inquificors*
Having by thefe Arts expofed many, whom he
" had deceived, to evident Hazard, and rendered
'* himfelf guilty of the deteftable Crime of Breach
'' of Faith ; he was admonifhed by John ^gidius^
" Conjiantine Ponce ^ ^nd Far quius^ that he had not
*' dealt fincerely with his Frieids, and thofe who
'^ were in the fame Sentiments with himfelf; to
which he replied, That he forefaw, than in a
liitle Time, they would be forc'd to behold the
Bulls brought forth for a lofty Spectacle ; mean-
ing thereby the Theatre of the Inquifitors,
Conftantine anfwer'd, You, if it pleafe God,
fhall not behold the Games from on high, but
be your fclf amongft the Combatants. Nor was
*' Conftantine dtctVJtd in his Predidion : For af-
" terwards Arias was called on ; and whether Age
*' had made him bolder, or whether by a fudden
^^ Alteration his Timoroufnefs changed into Cou-
rage, he feverely rebuked the AflefTors of the
Inquifiiory Tribunal ; affirming they were
more fit for the vile Office of Mule Keepers,
than impudently to take upon themfelves to
*' j^dge concerning the Faith, which they were
^' fcandaloufly ignorant of He farther declared,
*' That he bitterly repented that he had know-
** ingly and willingly oppofed, in their Prefence,
that Truth he now maintained, againfl the
pious Defenders of it •, and that from his Soul
he fhould repent of it whilft he liv'd. So at
laft being led in Triumph, he was burnt alive,
and confirmed Conftantine\ Prophecy. There
M 4 ^^ remained

44
44
44
44
44
44
44

7A.

T^he History of Persecution.

remained Mgidius and Conjtantine^ who clofecl
the Scene; but Death prevented their being
alive at the Shew. Mgidius having been de-
** figned by the Emperor, Philif^ Father, for
^' Bifliop of Tortona^ upon the Fame of his Piety
♦' and Learning, being fummoned, publickly re-
^' canted his Errors, wrought on either by Craft,
" or the Perfuafion of Sotus^ a. Domimcan ; and
*' hereupon was fufpendcd for a while from Preach-
^« ing, and the ficred Office, and died fome Time
*' before this Aft. T\\^ Inquifitors thought' he
*^ had been too gently dealt with, and therefore
^^ proceeded againft his Body, and condemned him
♦' dead to Death, and placed his Effigies in Straw
^' on high for a Spedtacle. Conjtantine^ who had
been a long while the Emperor's Confeflbr, and
had always accompanied him in his Retirement,
after his Abdication from his Empire and King-
doms, and was prefent with him at his Death,
was brought before this Tribunal, and died a
little before the Ad, in a nafty Prifon. But that
theTheatre might not want him, his Effigies was
carried about in a preaching Pofture. And thus
*' this Shew, terrible in it feJf, which drew Tears
'* from moft who were prefent, when thefe Images
<' were brought on the Scene, excited Laughter in
many, and at length Indignation. They pro-
ceeded with the fame Severity, the following
05loher^ at Valladolid^ againfl others condemned
" for the fame Crime ; where King Philip himfelf
" being prefent, twenty -eight of the chief Nobility
^' of the Country were tied to Stakes and burnt.'*
Bartholomew Caranza^ Archbifhop of Toledo^ was
alfo accufed ; who for his Learning, Probity of
Life, and moft holy Converfation, was highly
worthy of that Dignity. He was caft into Prifon,
and ftripp*d of all his large Revenues, His Caufe

(C
4(

was

ne History of Persecution. 169

was brought before PiusY. ac Rome, and Gre-
gory XIII. pronounced Sentence in ir.

T ^f^'f^Trn^^^fTS'" ^^/'■'^'^"' ^''5 Cfueity by
Land, eftablilhed the Inquifuion alfo ifl the Shms

For in the Year 1571. a large Fleet was drawn
together under the Command of John of Jufiria
and manned with Soldiers lifted out of various Na'
tions. King Philip, to prevent any Corruotion nf
the Faith, by fuch a Mixture of variouSons
and Re igions, after having confulted Pope P/«c v
deputed one of the Inquifitors of 5"W«, fixed on
by the Inquifitor General, to difcharge the Offi°^
of Inquifuor ; giving him Power to prefide inall
Tribunals and to celebrate Ac^s of Faith, in a 1
Places and Cities they failed to. This Ereftinn ni
the Inquifition by Sea^ P^us V. confirmed bf°Sul
fent to the General Inquifitor of Spain bec^Jnnfn^
Our latemojl dear Son\ Chr^fl. 'jTome'ZZt
exercifed the Jurifdidlion granted him r.ZK
a pubhck Ad if Faith in fhe Cky ofl?X, f
which many underwent divers Punifhments

He alfo eftablilhed it beyond £«rflft^ n^^ ^
in the C.«.., Iflands, but'in l.nt'wl^'j,
Amerua ; conft.tuting two Tribunals of it, one hi
'^? C.ty of Lma, in the Province of Peru Z
other in the Province and City of M.^^'^'The
Inquifition at Mexico was ereded in the Year , a7 V
and in a ihort Space gave large Proofs of its gj:
^}^y\.Pj"'^'»"' relates, that in the Year ikII
the third after ,ts Eredion, the firft Ad of Faith
was celebrated with a new and admirable Pomp

Tl J^e^i:'^"'^'' Market-place, where hey bm^c
a large Theatre, which covered almofl- rhJ Vl
Area of the Market-place, and wTs clo^e rn .f
great Church ; where were prefent rhi v '^'^
tlie Senate, the Chapter, Tnd^the ^^.1^'"?!^
Viceroy, theSenate, and a vaft Numlfer of othTrf

we^c

jyo T'he History of Persecution.

^ went with a large Guard, in lolemn Proceffion,

to the •Market-place, where were about eighty
Penitents; and the A6t lafted from fix in the
Morning to five in the Evening. Two Hereticks,
one zn Englijhmdny the other a Frenchman^ were
releafed. Some for Judaizing, fome for Poly-
gamy, and others for Sorceries, were reconciled.
TRe Solemnity of. this Ad was (uch, that they
who had feen that {lately one at Valladolid^ held in
the Year 1559. declared, that this was nothing
inferior to it in Majefty, excepting only that they
wanted thofe royal Perfonages here, which were
prefent there. From this Time tiuy celebrated
yearly folemn A6ts of the Faith , where they
brought Portugueze Jews^ Perfons guilty of in-
ceftuous and vyicked Marriages, and many con-
vifted of Sorcery and Wicchcrafr.

The Method of the Tribunal of the Inquifition,
as now in Ufe in Spain^ is this. The King pro-
pofes to the Pope the fupreme Inquifi or of all his
Kingdoms, whom the Pope confirms in his Officeo
The Inquifi:or thus confirmed by the Pope, is
Head and Chief of the Inquifirion in the whole
Kingdom, and hath given him by his Holinefs full
Power in all Cafes relating to Herefy. It belongs
to his Office to name particular Inquifitors, in
every Place where there is an,y Tribunal of the
Inquifiiion, who neverthelefs cannot aft unlefs ap-
proved by the King -, to fend Vifitors to the Pro-
vinces of the Inquifitors, to grant Difpenfations to
Penitents and their Children, and to deliberate
concerning oi;her very weighty Affairs. In the
Royal City the King appoints the fupreme Council
of the Inquifition, over which the fupreme Inqui-
fitor of the Kingdom prefides. He hath joined
with him. five Counfellors, who have the Title of
Apoflolical Inquifilors, who are chofe by the

Inqui-

The History of Persecution. 171

Inquifiror General upon the King's Nomination.
One of thefe muft always be a Dominican. The
fupreme Authority is in this Council of the Inqui-
fition. They deliberate upon all Affairs with the
Inquifitor General, determine the greater Cafes,
make new Laws according to the Exigency of
Affairs, determine Differences amongft particular
Inquifitors, punifh the Offences of the Servants,
receive Appeals from inferior Tribunals, and from
them there is no Appeal but to the King. In other
Tribunals there are two or three Inquifitors : They
have particular Places affigned them, "ToUdoy Cu-
enca^ Valladolid^ Calahorre^ Seville^ Cordoue^ Gra^
nada^ Ellerena ; and in the Aragons^ Valencia^ Sa-
ragoj/a^ and Barcelona.

Thefe are called Provincial Inquifitors. They
cannot imprifon any Prieft, Knight, or Nobleman,
nor hold any Publick A6ls of Faith, without con-
fuking the fupreme Council of the Inquifition.
Sometimes this fupreme Council deputes one of
their own Counfellors to them, in order to give
the greater Solemnity to the A(5ls of Faith.

Thefe Provincial Inquifitors give all of them an
Account of their Provincial Tribunal once every
Year to the fupreme Council ; and efpecially of
the Caufes that have been determined within that
Year, and of the State and Number of their Pri-
foners in aftual Cuftody. They give alfo every
Month an Account of all Monies which they have
received, either from the Revenues of the Holy
Office, or pecuniary Punifhments and Fines.

This Council meets every Day, except Holy-
days, in the Palace-Royal, on Mondays^ WedneJ-
days^ and Fridays in the Morning ; and on Tuefday^
Thur/days^ and Saturdays' after Vefpers : In thefe
three laft Days two Counfellors of the fupreme
Council of Callus meet with them, who are alfo

Coun-

\ji 7y&^ HisTORy ?/^ Persecution;

Counfellors of the fupreme Council of the Inqui-
lition.

This Tribunal is now arifen to fuch an Height
in Spaifiy that the King of Cafttle^ before his Coro-
nation, fubjefts himfelf and all his Dominions, by
a fpecial Oath, to the moft holy Tribunal of this
moft fevere Inquifition.

In the Year 1557. John III. King of Portugal^
ereded the Tribunal of the Inquifition in his King-
dom, after the Model of that in Spaiti. It was
chiefly levelled againft the Jews, who groan under
the cruel Yoke of it to this Day, without any
Mitigation of their Puniftiment, being liable to all
the Penalties ordain'd againft Hereticks. ' And
becaufe the Jewifh Wickednefs fpread every Day
more and more in the Pares of the Eaft Indies^
fubjeft to the Kingdom of Portugal, Cardinal
Henry^ Inquifi^tor General in the Kingdom oi Por-
tugal, erefted Anno 1560. the Tribunal of the
Inquifition in the City of Goa, the Metropolis of
that Province 5 where 'tis carried on at this Time
with great Magnificence and Solemnity.

And that the Inquifition might proceed every
where without any Impediment, Pope Paul III.
An. 1542. deputed fix Cardinals to be Inquifitors
General of heretical Pravity, in all Chriftian Na-
tions whatfoever ; and gave them Authority to
proceed without the Bifiiops againft all Hereticks,
and Perfons fufpefted of Herefy, and their Ac-
complices and Abettors, of whatfoever State, De-
gree, Order, Condition and Preheminence 5 and
ro punilh them, and confifcate their Goods ; to
degrade, and deliver over to the fecular Court the
fecular and regular Clergy in holy Orders ; and
to do every Thing elfe that (hould be neceflary
in this Affair. Pius IV. enlarged^ their Power ;
and in 1564. gave them Authority to proceed

againft

The History of Persecution. 173

againft all manner of Perfons, whether Bifhops,
Archbilhops, Patriarchs or Cardinals, who were
Hereticks, or fufpeded of Herefy. Ac length
SixlusY. An. 1588. appointed fifteen Congrega-
tions of the Cardinals, and afligned to each of
them their proper Bufmefs. To thefe were added
a Commiflary, and an Affeffor General. What-
ever the Majority of thefe Cardinals agree, is
looked on as the Decree of the whole Congrega-
tion. They meet twiqe a- Week ; on Wednefdajs
in St. Marf^ Church, jupra Minervam •, and on
TChurfda'jS in the Pope's Prefence. In 'his Con-
gregation his Holinefs decides or confirms the
Votesof the Counfellors and Cardinals, and makes
a Prayer when the Congregation comes in,

SECT. IL

Of the Officers belonging to the Inquisition.

THESE are the Inquifitors ; the Judge of
the forfeited Effeds, the Executor, the No-
taries, the Jail-Keeper, the Meflfenger, the Door-
Keeper, the Phyfician, the AfTeffors, the Coun-
fellors, the Familiars, the Promotor Fifcal, the
Receiver of the forfeited Efrefts, and the Vifitors
of the Inquifirors.

The Inquifitors are Perfons delegated by the
Pope to inquire concerning all Herefies, and to
judge and punilh Hereticks. Generally fpeaking,
no one can be deputed to this Office who is not
40 Years old. But if a Perfon is remarkable for
Knowledge and Prudence, he may in Spain znAPor^
iugal be created Inquifitor fooner. This Office is
accounted offo great Dignity in xhtChuvchoi Rome^
that the Title of mojt Reverend is given to the In-
quifitors as well as the Bifhops.

Their

174 ^^^ History ^Persecution^

Their Privileges arc many and great. They
can excommunicate, fufpend, and interdidt. None
excommunicated by them can be abfolved, without
command of the Pope, except in the Article of
Death. They may apprehend Hereticks, tho'*
they take Sandluary in Churches , and make Sta.-
tutcs, and increafe the Punifhments a'gainft them.
They can grant Indulgences of twenty or forty
Days, and give full Pardon of Sins to all their
Officers who died in their Service ; and have them-
felves granted a plenary Indulgence in Life and
Death. Whofoever fhall damage the Effefts of
the Inquificor, or his Officer, or fhall kill, ftrike,
or beat any one of them, is to be immediately deli-
vered over to the fecular Court. They are freed
from ferving of all Offices. They are to have
Lodgings, Provifions, and other Neccffaries pro-
vided for them. They may. proceed againft all
Perfons whatfoever, few excepted ; againft Bi-
ihops, Priefts, and Friars ; and all Laicks what-
foever, even Princes and Kings. They may cite
Perfons of any Sex or Condition for Witnefles ;
a famous Inftancc of which there is injoan^ Daugh-
ter of the Emperor Charles V. whom they cited
before their Tribunal to interrogate her concern-
ing a certain Perfon, in fome Matters rjelating to
the Faith. The Emperor himfelf had fuch an
Awe of them, that he commanded his Daughter
without delay to make her Depofitioo, to avoid
the Sentence of Excommunication. Upon which
ihe aftually appeared before the Archbifhop of
Seville^ Inquifitor General, and gave in her Evi-
dence. In Spain alfo the Inquifuors pretend to
have a Jurifdidlion over the Subjeds of other
Kings. Of this we have an Inftance in Thomas
MaynarJ^ Conful of the Engli/h Nation at Ltjbony
who was thrown into the Prifon of the Inquifition,

under

"The HisTORV'^r Persecution. 175:

under pretence that he had faid or done fomdthing
againft the Roman Religion. M. Meadows^ who
was then Refident, and took Care of the Englifh
Affairs at Ujhon^ advifed Cromwel^ of the Affair ;
and after having received anExprefsfrom him, went
to the King of Portugal^ and in the Name of Crom-^
we! demanded the Liberty of Conful Maynard.
The King told him, 'twas not in his Power -, that
the Conful was detained by the Inquifition, over
which he had no Authority. The Refident fenc
this Anfwer to Cromweh, and having foon after
received nev/ Inflruilions from him, had again
Audience of the King, and told him, That fince
his Majefty had declared he had no Power over
the Inquifition, he was commanded by Cromwel
immediately to declare War againft it. This un-
expefted Declaration fo terrified the King and
the Inquificion, that they immediately determined
to free the Conful from Prifon ; and immediately
opened the Prifon Doors, and gave him Leave to
go out. The Conful re^ufed to accept a private
DifmiflTion •, but in order to repair the Honour
of his Charafter, demanded to be honourably
brought forth by the Inquifition. The fame May-
nard continued many Years after under the fame
Characfter, in the Reigns of Charles and James IL
and liv'd at Lijbon till he was about eighty Years
old, without any Mokftation from the Inquifirion.
This Story was well known to all foreign Mer-
chants, who lived at that Time, and many Years
after at Lijhon.

The Inquifirors may alfo compel the Governors
of Cities to fwear that they will defend the Church
againft Hereticks ; and to extirpate with all their
Power, from their Governments, all who are noted
for Hereticks by the Church. They may alfo
command all fecular Magiftrates to fdze and keep

176 The liisToRV (?/ Persegutioi^.

in Guftody all Herecicks, and to carry them where-
foever they order. And for the better apprehend-
ing of Hereticks, the Inquifitors may go with an %
armed Attendance, and bear Arms themfelves^
They may compel Witnefles to give Evidence by
Fines, Pledges, Excommunication, or Torture.
They have alfo Power to excommunicate all Lay
Perfons difputing about the Faith, publickly or
privately ; and thofe who do not difcover Here-
ticks, by themfelves or other Perfons. And
finally, they may condemn and prohibit all here-
tical Books, and fufpeded of Herefy, or contain-
ing Propo lit ions erroneous, or differing from the
Catholick Faith.

If the Inquifitors are negligent or remifs in their
Office, they are prohibited from entring the
Church for four Years ; or if they offend by un-
juftly extorting Money, they are puniflied by the
Prelates of their Order ; but in fuch a Manner,
however, as not to leflen Mens Opinion of the
Dignity and Authority of the Holy Office. From
this Precaution 'tis however very plain, that the
Tribunal of the Inquifition is not fo very holy and
blamelefs, as they would have them believe in Spain
and Portugal \ but that the Inquifitors punifh inno-
cent Men fometimes very unjuftly, throwing them
into Prifon, and treating them in a very barbarous
and unworthy Manner. Of this we have a frefli
Inftance in the Inquifition 2xGoa^ in relation to
' Father Ephraim^ a Capucine ; whom, out of mere
Hatred and Revenge, they fe zed by Craft and
Subtlety, and carried away to Goa^ and there fhut
him up in the Prifon of the Inquifition. Tne
Story is this : Father Ephraim having had an In-
vitation from fome Englijh Merchants, built a
Church in the City of Madrefpatan^ which was
near to the City of St. Thomas. To this Place

feveral

The History of Persecution. 177

feveral of the Portuguefe came from St. Thomas^s^
to have the Benefit of Ephraim^s Inftrudion. By
this he incurred the Hatred of the Portuguefe \ and
upon fome Difturbance that was raifed, Father
Ephraim was called to St. Thomas to appeafe it ;
where he was feized by the Officers of the Inqui-
fition, and carried to Goa^ bound Hands and Feet,
and at Night coming from on BoJrd the Ship,
hurried into the Prifon of the Inquifition. All
Men wondered that this Capucine (hould be brought
Prifoner before the Tribunal of the Inquifition as
an Heretick, who was known to be a Perfon of
great Probity and Zeal for the Roman Religion.
Many were concerned for his Delivery, and efpe-
cially Friar Zenon^ of the fame Order, who tried
every Method to effeft ir. When the News of his
Imprifonment came to Europe^ Perfons were very
differently afi^efted. His Brother, the Lord Cha^
teau des Bois^ folicited the Portugal Ambaffador at
Paris^ till he prevailed with him to fend Letters
to his Portuguefe Majefty, to defire his peremptory
Orders to the Inquifitors at Goa^ to difmifs Ephraim
from his Prifon. The Pope alfo himfelf fent Let-
ters to Goa^ commanding him to be fet free, unv
der the Penalty of Excommunication. The King
alfo of Golconda^ who had a Friendfhip for him,
becaufe he had given him fome Knowledge of the
Mathematicks, commanded the City of St. "Thomas
to be befieged, and to be put to Fire and Sword,
unlefs Ephraim was immediately reftored to his
Liberty. The Inquifitors not being able to fur-
mount all thefe DifBculties, fent him word that
the Prifon-Gates were open, and that he might
have his Liberty when he pleafed. But he would
not leave his Jail, till he was brought out by a
folemn Proceflion of the Ecclefiaflicks of Goa.
And although there are many Inftances of the like

N Injuftice,

178 7he History of Persecution.

Irijuftice, .yet they very feldom publickly punifh
the Injuftice and Cruelty of the Inquifitors, left
their Authority, which they would have always^
accounted facred, fhould be contemned.

The Inquifitor may alfo appoint a Vicar Ge-
neral over his whole Province, with a Power of
proceeding to a definitive Sentence on the Impe^
nitent and Relapfed, and of receiving Informations
and Accufations againft any Perfons, and ^ of
citing, arrefting, and putting in Irons Wicneflea
and Criminals, and of putting them to the Queftion
or Torture ; and, in general, of doing every
Thing which the Inquifitor himfelf, if preftnt^
could do.

The Counfellors or Affeffors of the Inquifiiion
are fkilful Perfons, fuch as Divines, Canonifts,
and Layers, whom the Inquifitors call in, in
difficult Cafes, to aflift them with their Advice.
When any Queftions happen in the Trials of the
Caufes of Herefy, relating to the Quality, i. e.
the Nature and Degree of Guilt in any Propo-
fitions fpoken by Hereticks, or Perfons fufpefted
of Herefy, the Decifion in fuch Affairs belongs
to the Divines, who are thence called ^dificators^j
who are to determine whether it be heretical, or
favours of Herefy, or erroneous, or fuch as offends
pious Ears, or rafh, or fcandalous, or fchifma-
tical, or feditious, or blafphemous, or injurious.
The Layers are confuhed about the Punilhment
or Abfolution of Offenders, and other the like
Merits of Caufes. However, the Inquifitors are
not bound neceffarily to follow thd Advice of thefe
Counfellors ; but after they have heard their Opi-
nions, are free to determine and a6t what they
think proper. Thefe Counfellors arc fworn to
Secrecy V and are not acquainted with the Names
of the Criminals or Witncfles.

,1 The

The History of pERSECtJTioisf. 179

The Pfomotor Fifcal is that Officer of the Jn-
quificion, who a£ls the Part of the Accufer. it
beloogs to him to examine the Depofitions of the
Witneffes, and give Information of Criminals to
the Inquifitors; to demand their Apprehenfion
and Imprifonment, and when apprehended or ad-
monilhed, to accufe them.

The Notaries, Regifters, or Secretaries of the
Inquifition, write down the Injunctions, Accufa-
tions, and all the Pleadings of the Caufes ; the
Depofitions of the Witneffes, and Anfwers of the
Criminals ; and whether the Colour of their Face
changes ; whether they tremble Or hefitate in
fpeaking, whether they frequently interrupt the
Interrogatories by hawking or fpitting, or whe^
ther their Voice trembles; that by thefe Circum-
fiances they may know when to put the Criminals
to the Torture. Thefe Notaries may be cholen
either of the Laity, or from the Monks and
Clergy. They fwear them faithfully to execute '
that Office, and to keep the ftrifteft Secrecfy.

The Judge and Receiver of the forfeited EfFefts,
is the Attorney belonging to the Treafury of the
Inquifition ; who demands, defends, and fells thd
confifcated Goods of Hereticks, and pays the Sa-
laries, and other Expences of the holy Office.

The Executors are they who execute and per-
form the Commands of the Inquifitors. They ap*
prehend and keep in Cuftody Criminals, and purfue
them in any Places to which they may have efca-
ped ; and may, when needful, put them in Irons,
All Perfons, whether Magiftrates or others, are
obliged to aflift them, when they are endeavouring
to apprehend any Perfon, or feize his EfFedls,
upon Penalty of a large Fine, and being put
under the Ban,

N a The

i8o The History ^Persecution.

The Familiars are the BaylifFs of the Inquifition,
which, though a vile Office in all other criminal
Courts, is efteemed fo honourable in this of, the
Inquifition, that there is not a Nobleman in the
Kingdom of Portugal who is not jn it ; and thefe
are commonly employed by the Inquifitors to, take
jPerfons up. If feveral Perfons are to be taken
up at the fame Time, the Familiars muft fo order
Things, that they may know nothing of each
Other's being apprehended. And at this the Fa-
miliars are fo expert, that a Father and his three
Sons, and three Daughters, who lived together
at the fame Houfe, were all carried Prifoners to
the Inquifition, without knowing any thing of one
another's being there till feven Years afterwards,
when they of them who were alive, came forth
in an Aft of Faith.

^There is a particular kind of thefe Familiars,
who wear Croffes, inftituted by Dominick; who
vow upon Oath, before the Inquifirors, that they
will defend theCatholick Faith, tho' with the Lofs
* of Fortune and Life. The Inquifitors give them

fed Croffes, which they have bleffed, and may
compel them to perform their Vow.

The Vilitor of the Inquifition is one ivho goes
into all the Provinces where the Inquifitors are,
and reports to the Inquifitor General and Council
whatever he thinks proper to be amended j and
whether the feveral Inquifitors have obferved the
feveral Orders and Rules prefcribed to them,
that in cafe of any Offences, they may be duly
puniflied.

The civil Magiftrate is under great Subjeftioa
to thefe Inquifitors, and their Officers. He
fwears to defend the Catholick Faith, and to caufe
all the Conftitutions relating to the Inquifition to,
be obferved ; and that he will ftudy to extermi-

nate

72^^ History ^Persecution- i8x

tiate all Perfons markM out for Hereticks by the
Church. And if any temporal Lord Ihall, after
Admonition by the Church, negleft to purge his
Dominions from heretical Pravity, for the fpace
of a Year afcer fuch Admonition, his Country
is ordered to be feized, and the Perfon feizing it
allowed to poflfefs it without Contradidion. Wheii
any Perfons are condemned for Herefy by the
Inquilirors, the civil Magiftrate is obliged to
receiv^e them as foon as delivered to him, and to
punifh them with the deferved Punilhment ,• with-
out prefuming diredly or indireflly to hinder any
Judgment, Sentence, or Procefs of the Inqui-
litors.

The Office of the Jail-Keepers is not to be de-
fcribed ; tho^ fome Account of their Jail will noc
be amifs.

All Criminals have not alike Places of Impri-
fonment, their Cells being either more terrible
and dark, or more eafy and chcarful, according
to the Qiiality of the Perfons and their Offences.
In reality, there is no Place in the Prifon of the
Inquifition that can be called pleafant or chearful,
the whole Jail is fo horrible and nafty.

Thefe Jails are called in Spain and Portugal
Santa Cafa^ i. e. the holy Houfe. Every Thing
it feems in this Office muft be holy. The Prifons
are fo built, as the Author of the Hiftory of the
Inquificion at Goa defcribes them, that they will
hold a great Number of Perfons. They confift
of feveral Porticoes ; every one of which is divided
into feveral fmall Cells of a fquare Form, each
Side being about ten Feet. There are two Rows
of them, one being built over the other, and all
of them vaulted. The upper ones are enlightned
by Iron Grates^ placed above the Height of a
tall Man. The' lower ones are under Ground,

N $ dark,

iSz ^he History ^Persecution,

dark,, without any Window, and narrower than
the upper ones. The Walls are five Feet thick.
Each Cell is faftned with two Doors j the inner
one thick, and covered over wich Iron, and in
the lower Part of it there is an Iron Grate,
tp the upper Part of it is a litcle fmall Window,
through which they reach to the Prifoner his
Meat, Linnen, and other Neceflfaries, wliich is
Jhut with two Iron Bolts. The outer Door is
entire, without any opening at all. They gene-
rally open it in the Morning, from fix a-Clock
till eleven, in order to refrelh the Air of the
Prifon.

In Portugal all the Prifoners, Men and Women,
without any Regard to Birth or Dignity, are
Ihaved the firft or fecond Day of their Imprifon-
ment. Every Prifoner hath two Pots of Water
every Day, one to wa(h, and the other to drink ;
and a Befom to cleanfe his Cell, and a Mac made
of Rufties to lie upon, and a larger Veffel to eafe
Nature, with a Cover to put over it, which is
changed once every four Days. The Provifions
which are given to the Prifoners, are rated ac-
cording to the Seafon, and the Dearnefs or Plenty
of Eatables. But if any rich Perfon is impri-
foned, and will live and eat beyond the ordinary
Rate of Provifions, and according to his own
Manner, he n^ay be indulged, and have what is
decent and fit for him, and his Servant, or Servants,
if be hath any with him in the Jail* If there are
any Provifions left, the Jail-Keeper, and no other>
muft take them, and give them to the Poor. But
Reginald Gonfahius ohfexvcSy p* to6. that this In-
dulgence is nor allowed to Prifoners of all forts,
but to fuch only as are taken up for fmall Offences,
who are co be condemned to a Fine* But if they
find by the very Accufation that aoy Perfons are

The History ^Persecution. i8^

to be piinifhed with Forfeiture of all their Effefts,
they do not fuffer them to live fo plentifully, but
order them a fmall Penfion for their Subfiftence,
njiz.. about thirty Maravedis, of the Value of ten
Dutch Stivers. This agrees with the Account of
Ifaack Orobio^ who had a plentiful Fortune att
Seville^ and was neverthelefs ufed very hardly in:
the Prifon of th-e Inquifition there. Although his
Eftate was very large, yet he was allowed a very
fmall Penfion to provide himfelf ProvifioUa This
was FleCh, which they made him fometimes drefs
and prepare for himfelf, without allowing him
the Help of any Servant. In this Manner are the
richer Prifoners treated. As to the poorer, and
fuch who have not enough to fupply themfelves
in Jail, their Allowance is fixed by the King,
Hfiz,, the Half of a filver Piece of Money, called
a Real *, every Day ,• and out of this fmall Sum,
the Buyer of their Provifion, whom they call the
Difpenfer, and their Waflier, muft be paid, and
all other Expences that are neceflfary for the com- ^
mon Supports of Life. Befides, this very royal
Allowance for the Prifoners doth not come to them
but through the Hands of feveral Perfons, and
thofe none of the moft honeft ; firft by the Re-
ceiver, then the Difpenfer, then the Cook, then
the Jail-Keeper,i who, according to his Office,
diftributes the Provifions amongft the Prifoners.
Gonfalvtus adds, that he gave this particular Ac-
count of this Matter, becaufe all thefe Perfons
live, and have their certain Profits out of this fmall
Allowance of the King to the Prifoners 5 which
coming to them through the crooked Hands of

* Dr. Geddes tells u^ of one in the Inquifition at Lishon^ who
was allowed no. more than three Vintems a Day; a Vintem
is about an trtgUfi PenhyFarthing.

N 4 thefe

184 ?"/&^ History ^Persecution.

thefe Harpies, they cannot receive it till every
one of them hath taken out more than a tenth
Part of it.

The Author of the Hiftory of the Inquifition at
Goa tells us, this Order is obferved in diftributing
the Provifions. The Prifoners have Meat given
them three times every Day ; and even thofe
who have the Misfortune to be in this Cafe, tho'
they have Money, are not treated much better
than others, becaufe their Riches are employed
to make Provifion for the Poorer. I was informed
by Jfaack Orobio, that in Spain they fometimes
give the Prifoners Coals, which they muft light,
and then drefs their own Food. Sometimes they
allow them a Candle. Thofe who are confined in
the lower Cells generally fit in Darknefs, and are
fometimes kept there for feveral Years, without
any one's being fuffered to go or fpeak to them,
except their Keepers; and they only at certain
Hours, when they give them their Provifion.
They are not allowed any Books of Devotion, but
are (hut up in Darknefs and Solitude, that they
may be broke with the Horrors of fo dreadful
a Confinement, and by the Miferies of it forced
to confefs Things which oftentimes they have
never done.

And how dreadful the Miferies of this Prifon
'I19* are, we have a famous Inftance given us by /J^-
ginald Gonfahius Montanus. In the Age before
thelaft, a certain EngUJJo Ship put in at the Port
of Cadiz,^ which the Familiars of the Inquifition,
according to Cuftom, fearched upon the Account
of Religion, before they fuffered any Perfon to
come a(hore. They feized on feveral EngUJh Per-
fons who werfe on board, obferving in them cer-
tain Marks of evangelical Piety, and of their
having received the beft Infirudion, and threw

them

The History of Persecution. 185

them into Jail. In that Ship there was a Child,
ten or twelve Years, at moft, old, the Son of
a very rich EngUfh Gentleman, to whom, as was
reported, the Ship and principal Part of her
Loading belonged. Amongft others, they took
up alfo this Child. The Pretence was, that he
had in his Hands the Pfalms of David in Englifh.
But, as Gonfahius tells us, thofe who knew their
Avarice and curfed Arts, may well believe, with-
out doing any Injury to the Holy Inquifition, thac
they had got the Scent of his Father's Wealth,
and that this was the true Caufe of the Child's
Imprifonment, and of all that Calamity that fol-
lowed after it. However, the Ship with all its
Cargo was confifcated ; and the Child, with the
other Prifoners, were carried to the Jail of the
Inquifition at Seville ^ where he lay fix or eight
Months. Being kept in fo ftrait Confinement for
fo long a while, the Child, who had been brought
up tenderly at home, fell into a very dangerous
lUnefs, through the Dampn^fs of the Prifon, and
the Badnefs of his Diet. When the Lords In-
quifitors were informed of this, they ordered him
to be taken out of the Jail, and ivUrried, for the
Recovery of his Health, to the Hofpital, which
they call the Cardinal. Here they generally bring
all who happen to fall ill in the Prifon of the In-
quifition I where, befides the Medicines, of which,
according to the pious Inftitutionjof the Hofpital,
there is Plenty, and a little better Care, upon
account of the Diftemper, nothing is abated of
the Severity of the former Jail ; no Perfon befides
the Phyfician, and the Servants of the Hofpital,
being allowed to vifit the fick Perfon ,• and as foon
as ever he begins to grow better, before he is
fully recovered, he is put again into his former
Jail. The Child, who had contraifted a very

grievous

ii6 S'ifr^ HisTORt^ V* PERsfedtJTib!*.

grievous Illnefs from that long and barbarous
Confinement, was carried into the Hofpital, where
he loft the Ufe of both his Legs 5 nor was it ever
known what became of him afterwards. In ih6
mean while ^twas wonderful, that the Child, in
fo tender an Age, gave noble Proofs how firmly
the Vo&ntiQ of Piety was rooted in his Mind ;
oftentimes, but efpecially Morning and Evening,
lifting up his Eyes to Heaven, and praying to
him, from whom he had been inftrufted by his
Parents, to defire and hope for certain Help i
which the Jail-Keeper having often obferved,
faid, He was already grown a great little He*
retiek.
p. til. About the fame Time a certain Perfon was
taken up and thrown into the fame Jail, who had
voluntarily abjured the Mahometan Impiety, and
came but a little before from Morocco^ a famous
City of Mauritania^ and Capital of the Kingdom^
into that Part of Spain which lies direftly over
againft it, with a De%n to turn Chriftian. When
he had obferved that the Chriftians were morei
vicious and corrupt than the Moors he had left^
he happened CO fay, that the Mahometan Lzvt
feemM to him better than the Chriftian. For this
the good Fathers of the Faith kid hold of^him^
thruft him into Jail, and ufed him fo cruelly^
thathefaid publickly, even when in Confinement,
that he never r;epented of his Chriftianity, frbm
the Day he was baptized, till after his having
been in the Inquifition, where he was forced
againft his Will to behold all manner of Violences
and Injuries whatfoever.

The Complaint of Confiantme^ the Preachei? of

Seville^ was not lefs grievous concerning the Bar-

p. 104. barities of this Prifon ; who, although he h^d not

as yet taftcd of the Tortures, yet often bewailed

his

^e History of Persecution. 187

his Mifery in this Jail, and cried out : 0 my God^
•were there no Scythians in the TVorld^ no Cannibals
more fierce and cruel than ScythianSy intowhofe Hands
thou couldjl carry me, fo that I might but efcape the
Paws of thefe Wretches ? Olmedus alfo^ another
Perfon famous for Piety and Learning, fell into
the Inquificors Hands at Seville ; and thro' the
Inhumanity of his Treatment, which had alfo
proved fatal to Conft amine ^ con traded a grievous
Illnefs, and at laft died in the midft of the Nafti-
nefs and Stench. He was ufed to fay, T^hrow me
any where, O my God, fo that I may but efcape the
Hands of thefe Wretches.

The Author of the Hiftory of Goa agrees in Cap. 19,
this Account, who frankly owns, that through^^^ ^^'
the Cruelty and Length of his I^iprifonment he
fell IntoDefpair, and thereby often attempted to
deftroy himfelf; firft by ftarving himfelf ; and
becaufe that did not fucceed, he feigned himfelf
fick ; and when the Phyfician of the Inquifition
found his Pulfe unequal, and that he was feverifti,
he ordered him to be let Blood, which vj^s done
again five Days after. When the Dodor was
gone, he unbound his Arm every Day, that fo
by the large Effufion of Blood, he might conti-
nually grow weaker and weaker. In the mean
while he eat very little, that by Hunger, and Lofs
of Blood, he might put an End to his miferable
Life. Whilft he was in this fad Condition, he
had font him a Confeflfor of the Francifcan Order,
who, by various Arguments of Comfort, endea-
voured to recover him from his Defpair. They
alfo gave him a Companion in his Jail, which was
fome Comfort to him in his Confinement. But
growing well again after about five Months, they
took his Companion from him. The Lonefome-
nefs of his Jail brought on again his Melancholy
2 and

288 ^he History ^ Persecutiom.

and Defpair, which made him invent another
Method to deftroy himfelf. He had a Piece of
Gold Money, which he had concealed in his
Clothes, which he broke into two Parrs ; and
making it (harp, he opened with it a Vein in
each Arm, and loft fo much Blood, that he fell
into a Swoon, the Blood running about the Jail.
But fome of the Servants happening to come be-
fore the ufual Time to bring him fomething,
found him in this Condition. The Inquificor
hereupon ordered him to be loaded with Irons
upon his Arms and Hands, and ftridly watched.
This Cruelty provoked him to that Degree, that
he endeavoured to beat his Brains outagainft the
Pavement and the Walls i and undoubtedly the
Ligaments upon his Arms would have been torn
off, had he continued any longer in that State.
Upon this they took off his Chains, gave him good
Words, encouraged him, and fent him a Com-
panion, by whofe Converfacion he was refrefhed,
and bore his Mifery with a little more Eafinefs
of Mind. But after two Months they took him
from him again, fo that the Solitude of his Jail
was more diftrefling to him than before.

The Prifoners, as foon as ever they are thrown
into Jail, are commanded to give an Account of
their Name and Bufinefs. Then they inquire
after their Wealth ; and to induce them to give
in an exaft Account, the Inquifition promifes
them, that if they are innocent, all that they dif-
cover to them (hall be faithfully kept for, and re-
ftored to them ; but that if they conceal any
Thing, it (hall be confifcated, though they (hould
be found not guilty. And as in Spain and Por-
tugal moft Perfons are fully perfuaded of the
Sandity and Sincerity of this Tribunal, they wil-
lingly difcover all their Po{feffions> even the moft

concealed

.r*.

iE^

&i>:^

3^^ ^ol/^^ or m^y./mr^u^J-U^^^rn/-

The History of Persecution. 189

concealed Things of their Houfes, being certainly
perfuaded, that when their Innocence (hall ap-
pear, they fliall foon recover their Liberty and
, Effeds together. But thefe miferable Creatures
arc deceived ; for he that once falls into the Hands
of thefe Judges, is ftripped at once of all he was
poffeffed of. For if any one denies his Crime,
and is convifted by a fufficient Number of Wit-
nefles, he is condemned as a negative Convift,
and all his Effeds confifcated. If to efcape the
Jail he confefles his Crime, he is guilty by his
own Confeffion, and in the Judgment of all juftly
ftripped of his Effefls. When he is difmiflfed
from Prifon as a Convert and Penitent, he dares
not defend his Innocence, unlefs he defires to be
thrown again into Jail, and condemned ^ and, as
a feigned Penitent, to be delivered over to the
fecular Arm.

When the Prifoner is brought before his Judge J'^quit
he appears with his Head and Arms, and Feet^°^°*
naked. In this Condition he is brought out of^^^'^ *
Jail by the Warder. When he comes to the
Room of Audience, the Warder goes a little
forward, and makes a profound Reverence, then
withdraws, and the Prifoner enters by himfelf.
At the farther End of the Audience Room there
is placed a Crucifix, that reaches almoft to the
Cieling, In the Middle of the Hall is a Table
about five Feet long, and four broad, with Seats
all placed round it. At one End of the Table,
that which is next to the Crucifix, fits the Notary
of the Inquifition 5 at the other End the In-
quifitor, and at his left Hand the Prifoner fitting
upon a Bench. Upon the Table is a Miffale,
upon which the Prifoner is commanded to lay his
Hand, and to fwear that he will fpeak the Truth,
and keep every Thing fecret* After they have

fuffin

ipa ^^^ History c/" Persecution.

fufficiently interrogated him, the Inquifitors ring
a Bell for the Warder, who is commanded to
carry back his Prifoner to Jail.

No one in the Prifon muft fo much as mutter,
or make any Noife, but muft keep profound
Silence. If any one bemoans himfelf, or bewails
his Misfortune, or prays to God with an audible
Voice, or fings a Pfalm or facred Hymn, the Jail-
Keepers, who continually watch in the Porches,
and can hear even the leaft Sound, immediately
come to him, and adraonifh him that Silence muft
be preferved in this Houfe. If the Prifoner doth
not obey, the Keepers admonifti him again.
If after this the Prifoner perfifts, the Keeper
opens the Door, and prevents his Noife, by fe-
verely beating him with a Stick j not: only to
chaftife him, but to deter oti:ers, who^. becaufe
the Cells are contiguous, and deep Silence is kept,
can very eafily hear the Outcries and Sound of
the Blows. I will add here a (bort Story that
1 had from feveral Perfonsi which, if true, f^iews
us with what Severity they keep this Silence.
A Prifoner in the Jnquificion coughed. The
Jailors came to him, and admonilhed him to for-
bear coughing, becaufe it was unlawful to make
any Noife in that Houfe. He anfwered, ^twas
not in his Power. However, they admonilhed
him a fecond Time to forbear it; and becaufe he
did not, they ftripped him naked, and cruelly
beat him* This increafed his Cough; for which
they beat him fo often, that at laft he died thro*
the Pain and Anguifh of the Stripes-
■alv. They infift fo fevercly on keeping this Silence,^
^* that they may cut off every Degree of Cbmforc
from the AfRi(5led ; and efpecially for this Reafon^
that the Prifoners m^y not know one another,
either by Singing, or any loud Voice. For it

often*

The History ^Persecution i^i

oftentimes happens, that after two or three Years
Confinement in the Jail of the Inquifirion, a Man
doth not know that his Friend, nor a Father
that his Children and Wife are in the fame Prifon^
till they all fee each other in the Ad of Faith.
And finally, that the Prifoners in the feveral Cells
may not talk with one another ; which, if ever
found out, their Cells are immediately changed.

If any one falls ill in the Prifon, they fend to
him a Surgeon and Phyfician, who adminifter all
proper Remedies to him to recover him to Health*
If there be any danger of his dying, they fend
hira a Confeffor, if he defires it. If the Cri-
minal doth not ask for a Confeflor, and the Phy-
fician believes the Diftemper to be dangerous,
he muft be perfuaded by all Means to confefs ;
and if he judicially fatisfies the Inquifitors, he is
to be reconciled to the Church before he dies;
and being abfolved in Judgment, the ConfefTor
muft abfolve him Sacramentally.

If he is well, and defires a Confefibr, fome are
of Opinion he may not have one granted him,
unlefs he hath confefled judicially- Others think
he may i and in this Cafe the Confeffor^s Bufinefs
is to exhort him to confefs his Errors, and to
declare the whole Truth, as well of himfelf as of
others, as he is bound de jure to do. However,
he muft add, that he muft not accufe himfelf or
others falfely, through Wearinefs of his Impri-
fonment, the Hope of a more fpeedy Deliverance,
or Fear of Torments. Such a Criminal the Con-
feflfor cannot abfolve, before his Excommunica-.
tion is firft taken off, and he is reconciled to the
Church. But in Italy the Pri'foners are more
eafily allowed a Confeflbr than in Spain.

They are particularly careful not to put two
*cr more in the fame Cell, unlefs the Inquifitor

for

xgz The HisTORV ^Persecution.

for any fpecial Reafon (hall fo order, that they
may not concert with one another to conceal the
Truth, to make their Efcape, or to evade their
Interrogatories. The principal Reafon indeed
feems to be, that through the Irkfomenefs of
their Imprifonment, they may confefs whatfoever
the Inquifitors would have them. But if an
Husband and his Wife are both imprifoned for
the fame Offence, and there be no fear that one
Ihould prevent the other from making a free
Confeffion of the Crime, they may be put in the
* fame Cell.
Gonfalv. n^^^ Inquificors are obliged to vifit the Pri-
^' ^^* foners twice every Month, and to enquire whe-
ther they have Neceffaries allowed them, and
whether they are well or not. In this Vifit they
ufually ask him in thefe very Words ^ How he is?
How he hath his Health ? Whether he wants any
Thing ? Whether his Warder is civil to -him ?
i.e. Whether he fpeaks to him in a reproachful
and fevere Manner ? Whether he gives him his
appointed Provifion, and clean Linnen? and the
Inquif. like. Thefe are exaftly the Sentences and VVords
Goan. they ufe in thefe Vifits, to which they neither
add any Thing, nor aft agreeable; for they ufe
them only for Form's fake, and when the Inqui-
fitor hath fpoken them he immediately goes away,
fcarce flaying for an Anfwer. And although any
one of the Prifoners complains that he is not well
ufed, 'tisof no Advantage to him, nor is he better
treated for the future. If there be Occafion or
Neceffity, it will be convenient for them to vifit
the Prifoners three or four times every Month,
yea, as often as they think proper; viz,* when
the Criminal bears with Impatience the Misfor-
tune and Infamy of his Imprifonment, in fuch
Cafe the Inquifitor muft endeavour to comfort

him

C. 12.

The History of Persecution. 193

him very often, not only by himfelf, but by others ;
iarid to cell him» that if he makes a free Confeffionj
his whole Affair fli^U be quickly and kindly
ended.

The Inquifitorj muft take Care riot to talk
with the Criminals, when they are examined ot
vifited, upon any other Affairs biit fuch as relate
to their Bufiriefs. Nor mull: the Inquifitor be
alone when he vifits^ or otherwife gives them Au-
dience j biit muft have with jiim his Collegue, ot
at leaft a Notary, or forh^ other faithful Servant
of the Holy Office.

This alfo they are particularly careful of, that
the Criminals may not be removed from one Cell
to another, nor affociate with any other. If any
Prifoners have been (hut up together at once in
the fame Cell, when they are removed they muft
be removed together, that hereby they may be
prevented from communicating any Thing that
hath been tranfaSed in the Prifon; This is mor6
erpeciafly to be obferved, in cafe any of them re-
call their Cdnfefflon, after they have been re-
moved from one Cdll and Company to another.
But if a Criniinal confcffeS, and is truly converted,
he nfl^y more eafily be removed from one Cell to
anothfer, becaitfe the Inquifitor is in no Pain fot
fear of his retracing, but may oftentimes make
ufe of hiiii to draw out the Truth from other
Prifonersi

If Women are imprifoned, they muft cachldf
them have, according to their Quality, one honeft
Woman at leaft for a Companion, who muft
never be ^bfent from her, to prevent all Sufpi-
cion of Evil. This Companion muft be antient,
of a good Life, pious and faithful. Sometimes
when Women are to be imprifoned, they do not
carry them to the Jail of the Inquifi^tors, efpecially

194 5^<?ttisTORYl2/' Persecution.

if drey arc Regulars, if the Jails be within the
WalU of the Monafteries, but to the Convents
ot the Nuns. When this happens, they com-
mand the Abbefs or. Priorefs to admit no body
td difcourfe with the Prifoner without exprfefs
Leave.of the,Inquifitor, but diligently to obferve
the Oxder given her. But when the Caufe is of
Importance^ and full of Danger, and fuch they
eftcem all that relate to the Faith, they think it
fffer that Women fhould be imprifoned in the
Jails of the Inquifitors. But the Cardinals Irt-
qurfttprs ; Gerkexal are to be confulted in this
Affair, who, after mature Confideration, are to
det€twine whether it be moft expedient that fuch
Ctirai^jals fhould be kept in the Jails of the
Biflfiops, or Inquifitors Regulars; efpeciaHy if
tbey .are young and handfome, as is often the
Cafe of thpfe who are taken up for telling Peopled
Fortunes about their Sweethearts.
. 'X\s farther the Cuftom and received Ufe of
this holj^ Tribunaii, that fuch who are imprifoned
for Herefy are .nofaclmitted to hear Mafs, and
other Prayers wJiich are faid within the Jail, till
their Caufe is denermined. Their principal Pre-
tence for this Cuftom is, that it may poffibly hap-
pen, when there is a great Number or Cri-
minals, that the feveral Accomplices, Compa-
nions and Partalcers of the Crime, may at leaft
':lby,'Nods aiid Signs difcover to. one another how
-they may efcape Judgment, or conceal the
Truth.

But the true and genuine Reafon is, that the
^Prifoner may have nothing to contemplate befides
?h'is prefent .Misfortune ; that fo being broken,
with the Miferies of his Confinement, he may
rcoflfefs whatfoever the Inquifitors would have him,
rfor this Reafon they deny thisiij Books, and all

&. History of PERSECUTroJsr.

other Things that would be any Relief to them
in their tedious Impriibnment. If any one of the
Prifoners whatfoever prays the Inquifitor when
he vific3 him, that he may have fome good Book^
or the Holy Bible, he is anfw^red, that the true
Book is to difcover the Truth, and to exonerate
his Confciepce before that holy Tribunal ; and
that this is the Book which he muft diligently
ftudy, vix», to recover the Remembrance of every
Thing faithfully, and declare it to their Lordr
(hips, who will im?nediatcly prefcribe a Remedy
to his languiftiing Soul. If the Prifoner in the
lame or next Vific is importunate about it, he
will be commanded Silence ,' becaufe if he asks tQ
pleafe himfelf, they may grant or deny him ac*:
cording to their Pleafure.

The keeping the Jail anciently belonged to th^e
Executors Office j and as often as he was abfent,
he was obliged to provide another Keeper at his
own Charge. But now the Jail-Kjceper is created
by the Inquifitor General, and is different from
the Executor.

Thofe who keep the Jails for the Crime p£
Herefy, muft fwear before the Bifliop and lur
quifitor that they will faithfully keep their Pri-
foners, and obferve all other Things prefcribed
them.

Formerly there were two Keepers to every Jail^'
but now there is only one Jail-Keeper appointed ^
in every Provinces, chofen by the Inquifitor G^?
neral, who is not allowed to give the Prifoners
their Food. But the luquifitors chufe fome pro4
perPerfon to this Office, who is commonly qalied
the Difpenfer. The Provifions they give ither
Criminals are generally prepared and dteflfed in:
the Houfe of the Inquifition ; becaufe if they
were to be prepared in the Houfes of .the Cri-

O 2 miaal«

19^ ^he History of Persecution.

minals themfelves, or any where elfe, fomething
might eafily be hid under them, that might fur-
nifli them with the Means to conceal the Truths
or to elude or efcape Judgment. This however
is to be left to the Prudence and Pleafure of the
Inquifirors, whether and when the Criminals may
without* Danger prepare their Provifion in their
own Houfes, But upon account of the Hazard
attending it, the Inquifitors but feldom, and not
without exquifite Care, gratify them in this Par-
ticular. If any Things are fent them by their
Friends or Relations, or Domefticks, the Jail-
Keeper and Difpenfer never fuffer them to have
them, without firft confulting the Inquifitors.

As thefe Keepers have it in their Power greatly
to injure or ferve their Prifoners, they muft pro-
mife by an Oath, before the Bifliop and Inqui-
sitors, that they will exercife a faithful Care and
Concern in keeping them; and that neither of
them will fpeak to any of them but in prefence
of the other, and that they will not defraud them
of their Pro vifion, nor of thofe Things which are
brought to them. Their Servants alfo are ob-
liged to take this Oath.

But notwithftanding this Law, a great Part of
the Provlfion appointed for the Prifoners is with-
held from them by their covetous Keepers ; and
if they are accufed for this to the Inquifitors, they
• are much more gently puniflied, than if they had
ufed any Mercy towards them. Reginald Gonfalve
relates, that in his Time Gafpar Benuavidius was
fc^^"> Keeper of a Jail. " He was a Man of monftrous
*^ Covetoufnefs and Cruelty, who defrauded his
^^ miferabic Prifoners of a great Part of theit
*^ Provifions, which were ill dreffed, andfcarce

the tenth Part of what was allowed them, and

fold it fecretly, for i\p gx^% Price, at the Triana.

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The History ^Persecution. 197

BeGdcs, he wholly kept from them the little
Money allowed them to pay for the wafhing
of their Linnen ,• thus fuffering them to abide
many Days together in a nafty Condition, de-
ceiving the Inquifitor and Treafurer,' who put
that Money to the Keepers Account, as though
it had been expended every Week for the Ufe
of the Prifoners, for whom it was appointed.
Neither was it very difficult to deceive them^
becaufe they took but little Pains to inquire
out the Truth. If any one of the Prifoners
complained, muttered, or opened, his Mouth,
upon account of this intolerable Ufage, the
cruel Wretch, who had divefted himfelf of all
Humanity, had a Remedy at hand. He
brought the Prifoner immediately out of his
Apartment, and put him down into a Place
they call Mazmorra^ a deep Ciftern that had
no Water in it. There he left him for feveral
Days together, without any Thing to lie on,
not fo much as Straw. His Provifion there was
fo very rotten, that it was more proper to de-
ftroy his Health by Sickqefs, than to prefervc
ir, or fupport him in Life. All this he^ did
without ever confulting the Inqui(itors> and yet
fraudulently and villanoufly pretended their
Command to his Prifoner. If any one be-
fought him to complain to the Inquifitors for
fo injurious a Treatment, for they could nor^ ^
do it by any other Perfon, and to defire an
Audience, the cunning Wretch knowing that
the whole Blame muft lie upon himfelf, pre-
tended that he had asked, but could not obtain
it. By fuch forged Anfwers he kept the mife-
rable Prifoner in that deep Pit twelve or fif-
teen Days, more or lefs, tiH he had fully
gratified his Ang^r and Cruelty, After this
O i « h«

TpS ^be History of PERSEqu^TiaN.

'^ he brought him out, and riirew him into his
*^ former Jail ,• perfuading him that this Favour
*^ was owing to his Humanity and Care, having
" made Interceffion for him with their Lordlhips,
" In fhort, his Thefts and Injuries with which
*^ he plagued his Prifoners, who were ocherwife
*^ miferable enough, were fo numerous, thatfome
*' Perfons of Intereft with the Inquificors at length
^^ accufed him before them. Upon this he was
" imprifoned himfelf j and being found guilty
^ of many falfe Accufations, he received this
*^ Sentence : That he (hould come out at a pub«^
^^ lick A(5t of the Faith, carrying a wax Candle
^^ in his Hand, be banilh'd five Years from the
*^ City, and forfeit the whole Sum of Money,
*^ which by Virtue of his Office he was to have
*' received from the holy Tribunal.
114. " This very Man, whilft he was Keeper, had
*^ in his Family an ancient Servant Maid, who
" obferving the Diftrefs of the Prifoners, la-
^^ bouring under intolerable Hunger and Nafti-
*^ nefs, through the Wickednefs and Barbarity
^^ of her Mafter, was fo moved with Pity to-
^^ wards them, being her felf well inclined to the
*^ Evangelical Piety, that fhe often fpoke to them

through the Doors of their Cells, comforted
*' them, and as well as (he could exhorted them

to Patience, many Times putting them in Meat
^^ under their Doors, in proportion to the mean

and low Abilities of her Condition. And when
" fhe had nothing of her own, by which to (hefvv
*' her Liberality to the Prifoners of Chrift, (he
*^ ftole good part of that Provifion from the
*' wicked Thief her Mafter, which he had ftolea
'' from the Prifoners, and reftored it to them.
*' And that we may the more wonder at the Pro-
** vidence of God, who fo orders it that the worfl

" of

Tbe HisTOKV of Persecption. 19^

*Vof Parents (hall not have always the worft of
*^ Children, but fometiraes even the beft, a HttlQ
*^ Daughter of the Keeper himfelf was greatly
^^ affifting to the Maid in thefe pious Thefts.
^^ By means of this Servant the Prifonejs had
^' Information of the State of the Affairs of their
^'Brethren and fellow Prifoners, which much
*' comforted them, and was oftentimes of great
' Service to their Caufe. Biit at length the
Matter was difcover'd by the Lords Itiquifitorsi
*^ by whom (he was thrown into Prifon for ^
Year, and underwent the f^me Fate with the
* other Prifoners, and condemned to walk irj
the publick Proceffion with a yell6w Garment,
and to receive 'two hundred Stripes i which was
executed upon her the following Day through
the Streets of the Gity, with the ufual Pomp
and Cruelty. To all this was added Banifti*
ment from the City and its Territories for ten
Years. Her Title was. The Favourefs andAidref$
of Hereticks. What excited the implacable In-
^^ dignation of the Lords, the Fathers of the
Faith, againft her, was. That they difcovered
in her Examination, that (he had revealed the
Secrets of the moft holy Tribunal to fome oif
the Inhabitants of the City, particularly re-
lating to the Provifion allotted to the Prifoners.
From both thefe Examples, and from their
different and unequal Punilhment, any one
may fee how much fafer it is to add to the
Affliaion of the Prifoners in their Jail, than to
comfort them by any Aft of Humanity and
Mercy whatfoever.'^

And in order that the Jail of Hereticks may
be kept fecret, no one of the Officials, no not
the Judge himfelf, can enter it alone, or fpeak
with the Prifoners but before another of th^

O 4 Officials,

200 7he History of Persecution,

Officials, i^or without the previous Order of the
Inquifitors. AH are obliged to fwear that they
will obferve this, th^t np one may fee or fpeak
to the Prifoners befides the Perfon who gives
th^m their Neceflfaries; who muft be a faithful,
honeft Perfon, and is obliged to fwear that he
win not difcovcr the Secrets, and muft be fearched
to prevent his carrying any Orders or l-etters to
the Prifoners.

This Command they will have obferved as moft
facred, becaufe, as they fay. Secrecy is the
Strength of the Inquificion, which might eafily
be violated, unlefs this Order be punaually kept ;
and theripfore they always moft ftverely punilh
io8. thofe who tranfgrefs it. Gonfahius Montanus
gives us a very remarkable Inftance of this.
One Peter ab Herera^ a Man not altogether vile,
but of fome Humanity, and not very old, was
appointed Keeper of the Tower of Triana^
which is the Prifon of the Inquificion. It hap-
pened, as it often doth in fuch numerous and
promifcuous Imprifonments, that aniongft other
Prifoners committed to his Cuftody, there was
a certain good Matron, with hei* two Daugh-
ters, who were put in different Cells, and ear-
neftly defired the Liberty of feeing one another,
and comforting each other in fo great a Ca-
lamity. They therefore earneftly entreated
the Keeper, that he would fuffer them to be
together for one quarter of an Hour, that they
might have the Satisfadlion of embracing each
"other. He being moved with Humanity and
Compaflion, allowed them to be together, and
^\ talk with one another for half an Hour ; and
^^ after they had indulged their mutual Affeftions^^
'* he. put them, as they were before, in their fe-
*^'pa^ate Prifons. A few Days after this they

cc
<c

kc-

!! were

The History rf Persecution. 201

^* were put with great Cruelty to the Torture;
^^ and the Keeper being afraid, that through
^* the Severity of their Torments, they fhould
■ ^ difcover to the Lords, the Fathers Inquifitors,
^^ his fmall Humanity in fufFering them to con-
** verfe together for half an Hour without the
^^ Inquifitors Leave i thro^ Terror, went himfelf
** to the holy Tribunal, of his own Accord con-
^* feffed his Sin, and prayed for Pardon ; fooliflily
•' believing, that by fuch his Confeffion, he fliouid
^^ prevent the Punifhment that threatned him for
** this Aftion. But the Lords Inquifitors judged
• ^ this to be fo heinous a Crime, that they ordered
^* him immediately to be thrown into Jail rand
- fuch was the Cruelty of his Treatment, and
" the Diforder of Mind that followed on it, that
•' he fo6n grew diftraded. However, his Dif-
*• order and Madnefs did^ not fave him from a
** more grievous Punilhment. For after he had
•' lain a full Year in that curfed Prifon, they
^^ brought him out in the publick Proceffion,
•^ cloathed with the yellow Garment, and an
*^ Halrer round his Neck, as though he hgd been
•* a common Thief i and condemned him firft to
*^ receive two hundred Laflies through the Streets
^* of the City, and then to the Gallies for fix
^* Years. The Day after the Proceffion, as he
r was carried from the Triana to be whipped with
•: the ufual Solemnity, his Madnefs, which ufu-
^' ally feized him every other Hour, came on him;
•^ and throwing himfelf from the Afs, on which,
** for the greater Shame, he was carried, he flew
" upon the Inquifitory f Alguaz^ile^ and {batching
^* from him a Sword, had certainly killed him,
[^ had he not been prevented by the Mob who

'♦ f An Officer that executes the Orjers of the Inquifition.

^^ attended

2,oz ^h HijBTP^RY of Persecution.^

" attendi^d hlra, and fet him again upon the Aft,
*^ and guarded him till he had received the two
" hiindred Laflies according to his Sentence^
^^ After this the Lords Inquifitors ordered, that
^^ as he had behaved himfelf indecently towards
*^ the AJguaz,ile^ four Years more (hould be added
*^ to the fix for which he was at firft condemned
V to the Gallies/'

Thefe Keepers are anfwerable for the fmalleft
Fault, for they arc to ufe tfte fame Care in the
Cuftody of their Prifoners, as Fathers ought to
do in governing their Families ; fo that if they
fuffer any one to efcape from Jail, they are to be
punifiied according to the Nature of their Oflfence.
Tis therefore their Bufinefs frequently to vifir
and fearch the Cells of their Prifoners^ to pre*
vent any Thing from being clandeftinely carried
in, by which they may deftroy themfelves, dig
through the Walls, and fo efcape. Their Care
of the Women is to be peculiarly ftrift^ fince the
Sex is naturally frail, and more fubjeft than Men^
to yield to Pafllon and Defpair, and fo are more
likely to feek an Occafion of deftroying them-
felves. They muft, above all other Things, take
Care that they do not behave themfelves inde-
cently towards their Women Prifoners. Thus
the Congregation of Cardinals Inquifitors Ge-
neral condemned a Jail-Keeper to the Gallies for
feven Years, and to perpetual Baniftiment from
the Place where he committed his Offence, for
having carnal Knowledge of a Woman that was
Prifoner in the Holy Office.

If the Inquifitor thinks it neceflfary to prevent
the Efcape of any Prifoners, he may lay them in
Irons. If the Poverty of the Inquifitors is fo
great, or their Jails fo defedive, as that they
are not fit to hold in fafe Cuftody, either f<|r

the<

%he History of PERSECuirroN. 20^

the l^inneft of the Walls, or for want of Iron
Bars to the Windows, or fufHcient Bokd for the
Doors, if the Magiftrate be required by the In-
quifitor, he muft take Care of the fafe Cuftody
of the Prifoners.

What the feveral Duties of the Meflenger,
Door-Keeper, and Phyfician, are, is plain enough
from their very Names. They muft be honeft
Men, and not fufpedted, and born of old Chri-
ftians.

The Salaries of the Inquifitors and Officers are
differently paid in different Countries.

In Sfain there are fixed Salaries for the Inqui-
ficors, and other Minifters of the holy Office,
which are paid them at ftated Times out of the
forfeited Effefts.

*' Every Inquificor hath annually allowed him
" (5oodo, which now is increasM to an hundred
" thoufand Pieces, every one of which is worth
" two of thofe Brafs Pieces of Money, which
** they commonly call Alln. The Judges of the
" forfeited Effects have each of them 50000. The
" Promotor Fifcal as many. The Scribe or No-
" tary the fame. The Executor <5oooo. The

Receiver as many. • The Meffenger 20D00.

The Door-keeper loooo. The Phyfician 5000.

Thefe Salaries may be increased at the Plea-

fure of the Inquificor General, and are to be

paid by the Receiver at the fixed Times ; which
*' if he negleds to do, he may be deprived of
•* his Office by the Inquifitors.

" The Affeffors and Counfellors have no Sti-
** pend, but muft give their Advice Gratis, whea
•*^ the Inquifitors defire if, as fome Lawyers
^^ affirm ; and though they may receive a Salary
*' fteely offerM them, yet they cannot demand it,
^^ becaufe all Chriftians are bound to fupport and

tt defend

T^he History of Persecution.

" defend the Aflfair of the Catholick Faith. How-
ever, thefe Affeflfors, who are the Eyes of the
Judges in every Caufe, even though it be fpi-
ritual, juftly receive a Salary for their Ser-
vice and Labour: For many Things are Juftly
received, which it would be Injuftice to de-
" mand.

" Thofe Advocates who defend the Caufes of
^* the Poor, have a Stipend out^of the Xreafury,
^^ which is ufually very fmall, tho' honourable.
But if the Criminals are not poor, the Advo-
cates are paid out of their EffeSs/'
*Tis alfo provided in Sfain^ by many Confti-
tutions, that Inquifitors, who receive Gifts, in-
cur the Sentence of Excommunication, and are
deprived of their Office, and fined double the
Value of what they take. However, as the Au-
thor of the Hiftory of the Inquifition at Goa in-
forms us, the Inquifitors know how to amafs vaft
Riches, by two Methods. When the EfFefts of
the Prifoners, after Confifcation, are fold by the
Cryer,the Inquifitors,notwithftanding the Inrerdift
to the contrary ,ufually fend oneof their Domefticks,
who bids a low Price for fuch Things as his Mafter
wants, being pretty fecure that no body elfe wilt
cut-bid them i and by this Means they buy very
valuable Things for half Price, or lefs. Befides
this, the Inquifitors have a Right to demand the
Payment of the Expences> and other neceflary
Charges they have been at, when, and in what
Sums they pleafe, whenever the Money arifing
from the Confifcations is carried into the Royal
Treafury ; without ever giving any Reafon, or
any ones daring to ask them for whatPurpofes
they employ it.

Gonfalvius Montanus alfo tells us, in his Arts,
•of the Sfanifh Inquifition, Cap. ic that the In-
quifitors

The History ^ Persecut'ion. 205

quifitors are fometimes prevailed with to ufe
their Prifoners a little more kindly, by fome
pretty Prefents made by their Friends and Re--
latiods. But this Matter muft be dextroufly ma-
naged, that fo the Inquifitor may not refufe the
Offer. The firft Thing therefore is, to bribe
one of his Servants ; in which there is no Diffi-^
culty, provided it be done privately. When the
Inquifitors themfelves are tampered with, they
generally anfwer, that holy Tribunal is incor-
rupt, and fuffers no manner of Gifts whatfoever
to be received. But rhey have generally, amongft
their Attendance, fome Child of their Brother
or Sifter ; or, at leaft, a Servant that they greatly
efteem, and who is to be highly refpeded, and
who only fees the Inquifitor refufe the Prefents
offered to him. This Servant comes to the Pri-
foner^s Friend, and privately points out to him
the Relation of the Lord Inquiiiton This is
giving him to underftand, unlefs the Perfon be
a Stock, that though before he in vain attempted
to corrupt the Integrity of this holy Tribunal,
he may by this Conveyance prevail upon the
Inquifitor, though he would refufe to accept the
fame Prefent when more openly offered him*

SECT.

SECT. IIL

Of ti&ir Grimes cogntMkle by the Inquisition,
and the PunifhfnejDt annexed to them.

THE firft and principal Crime is Herefy,
Three Things are required to make tny one
properly an Hererick. i. That he hath been bap*
rized. a. That he err in his Underftanding in
Matters relating to the Faith, /. e, differ in thofc
Points which are determined by a General Council,
or the Pope, as neceffary to be believed, or in^
joined as an apoftolick Tradition. 3. Obftinacy
ol Will; as when any one pcrfifts in his Error,
after being informed by a Judge of the Faith that
the Opinion he holds is contrary to the Deter*
mination of the Church, and will not renounce it
at the Command of fuch a Judge, by abjuring it,
and giving fuitable Satisfadion. This Crime is
k widely extended by the Dodors of the Romi/h
Church, that they efteem every Thing as Herefy,
that is contrary to any received Opinion in the
Church, tho' it be merely Philofophical^ and hath
no manner of Foundation in the Scripture.

The Punilhments ordained againft Hereticks
are many, and moft grievous. The firft is Ex-
communication ,• by which Hereticks are driven
from the Church, and expelled the Company of
all Chriftians. The Ceremony of it is thus :
When the Biftiop pronounces the Anathema,
twelve Priefts ftand round him, and hold lighted
Torches in their Hands, which they throw down
on the Ground, and tread under Foot at the Con-
clufion of the Excommunication ; after which a
Letter is fent to the proper Parilhes, containing
the Names of the excommunicated Perfons, and

the

The History of PERSECUfiTioM. 207

the Reafon of their Sentence. Perfons thus ex-»
communicated, are deprived of all ecclefiaftical
Benefices and Dignities, and are not to receive
Chriftian Burial.

Being excommunicated, all their Effefts are
forfeited, all Donations by them are null and
void, and even Portions paid to Children muft
be revoked, and all Legacies to Wives forfeited.
The Treafury of the Inquifition devours all.
The Confequence of this is, that the Children of
Hereticks are abfolutely difinherited ; excepting
only when a Child accufes his heretical Parents.
Hereticks are alfo deprived of their natural Power
over their Children, and of that civil Power they
have over their Servants ; fo that Slaves and Ser^
vants are, ipfo fa£io^ freed from Servitude the
Moment their Matters fall into Herefy. Sub-
lefts alfo are freed from Obedience to heretical
Princes and Magiftrates, and abfolved from their
Oaths of Allegiance. In a word, Hereticks lofc
all Right and Property in every Thing that they
have. Hence proceeds the Maxim, That Faith is
not to be kept with Hereticks^ becaufe it ought never
to be given them ; and becaufe the keeping it is
againft the publick Good, the Salvation of Souls^
and contrary, as they fay, to the Laws of God
and Man. Farther, all Places of Refuge, which
are open to Malefadors, and the worft of Vil-
lains, are denied to Hereticks. Another Pii-
niftiment is Imprifonment ; or if they cannot be
apprehended, tihey are put under the Bgnj fo
that any one, by his own private Authority, may
fcize, plunder, add kill him as an Enemy, or
Clobber. The laft Penalty is Death, the moft
terrible one that can be infliSed, viz,, the being
burnt to Death. Such as are obftinate and im-
penitent.

2o8 The History g^ PERSECutioN.

penitent, are to be burnt alive ,• others are to bd
nrft ftrangled, and then burnt.

Hereticks are diftingulftied into open and fe-
^ cret. Open Hereticks are fuch who publickljB'
avow fomewhat contrary to the Catholick Faith,
or which is condemned as fuch by the Sentence of
the Inquifirors. Secret Hereticks are fuch who err
ID their Mind, but have not Ihewn it outwardly
by Word or Deed ; and thefe are excommuni-
cated ipfo jure ; or who by Word or Writing
have difcovered the Herefy of their Heart with
Secrecy and Craft i and fuch are liable to all the
Punilhments of Hereticks.

Again, Hereticks arc either affirmative or ne-
gative. Affirmative Hereticks are fuch who ere
in their Minds as to Matters of Faith i and whti
by Word or Deed (hew that they are obftinatd
in their Wills, and openly confefs it before the
Inquilitor. Negative Hereticks are fuch, who
being according to the Laws of the Inquifition
convided of fome Herefy before an Inquifitor^
yet will not confefs it i conftantly declaring that
they profefs the Catholick Faith, and deteft he-
retical Pravity ; or who owning heretical Words
or Adions, deny the heretical Intention ; or who
refufe to difcover all their Accomplices. Such
are generally put to the Torture.,

Again, Hereticks are either impenitent or Pe-
nitent. An Impenitent is one, who being con-
vifted of Herefy, or having confeffed it before an
Inquifitor, will not obey his Judge^ when he^
commands him to forfake his Herefy and ab-
jure it, but obftinately perfeveres in his Error;
or who having confeffed through fear of Punilh-
ment, yet afterwards afferts his Innocence, or
doth not obferve the Penance injoined him.^ Pe-
nitents

The History of Persecution. 209

tiitents arc thofe, who being admonifhed by the
Inquificor, abjure their Error, and give faitable
Sacisfadion, a$ the Biftiop or Inquificor injoins
them \ either of their own Accord, or upon any
particular Inquifition made after them. Siich who
return of their own Accord, are treated with
greater Mildnefs ; but the other enjoined a very
fevere Penance. But they will by no means re-
ceive fuch who don'c return till after frequent
Admonition, or till fear of Death ; or who en-
deavour any ways to perfuade others to Herefy,
efpecially Kings and Qiieens, or the Sons and
Daughters of Princes.

Next to Herecicks are the Believers of Here-
ticks, and fuch ivho receive, defend, and favour
them; who by Word or Deed a./:lare their Be-
lief of an Heretick^s Error, who knowingly take
them into their Houfes and other Places, and thus
conceal them from the Hands of the Church, or
give them Notice to make their Efcape, or vin^
dicate them on their Trial, or hinder the Pro-
cedure of the Office of the Inquifition ; or who
being Magiftrates, refufe to extirpate them, or
to apprehend and keep them in Cuftody, or to
punilh them when given over to them by the In-
quifltors ,* or who being Prelates or Inquifitors,
negled to have fafe Prifons, and faithful Jail-
Keepers, or to apprehend, torture, or punifti
Hercticks. Thefe, ipfo faBo^ incur Excommu-
nication y and i{ diey remain under it a Year,
are to be punilhed as Hereticks. And finally,
fuch who vific them privately, wnilft in Cuftody,
and whifper with them, and give them Food ;
or who lament their Apprehenlion or Death,
or who complain they are unjuftly condemned,
or who look with a bitter Countenance on their
Profecutors, or who gather up the Bones of He-

P reticks

2IO I'he History ^Persecution.

reticks after they are burnt j thefe are all Fa-
vourers of Herefy, and are ipfo jure excommu-
nicated.

Such alfo who hinder the Office of the Inqui-
fition are fubjed to this Tribunal. This may
be done by refcuing Perfons taken up for Herefy
from Prifon, or by wounding any of the Wit-
. neffes againft them i or by ufing Threatnings,
and terrifying Words; or by hindring Procefs,
Judgment, or Sentence ; or if a temporal Lord
ordains that no one (hall take Cognizance of He-
refy but himfelf, and that no one Ihall be ac-
cufed but before his Tribunal, nor any bear
Arms but thofe of his own Houfliold. The Punifti-
ment of this is Excommunication ; which, if they
continue under a Year, they muft either abjure,
ot be delivered over as Hereticks to the fecular
Arm. Sometimes their whole Dominions are
put under Interdift, and given to him who can
firft conquer them.

Yea, they extend this Affair fometimes fo far,
that all manner of Offences committed againfk
any one that belongs to the Inquifirors, though
they have no relation to the Faith, are punifhed
in the fame Manner as though the Office of the
Inquificion had been hinder^ by them, or the
Inquifitor himfelf had received fome grievous In-
?. i9i» jui^y- Reginald Gonfahius gives us a remarkable
Inftance of this, which happened in the former
Age at Seville. The Bifhop of Terragoney chief
Inquifitor at Seville^ went one Summer for his
Diverfion to fome pleafant Gardens fituate by the
Sea Side, with all his Inquificory Family, and
walked out, according to his Cuftom, with his
Epifeopal Attendance. A Child of the Gardener,
two or three Years old at moft, accidentally fat
playing upon the Side of a Pond in the Garden,

where

The HisTORV ^Persecution. 211?-

tvhere my Lord Bilhop was talcing his Pleafure.^
One of the Boys that attended his Lofdlbip,:
fnatchM out of the Hand of the Gardener's Child
a Reed, with which he was playing, and made
him cry. The Gardener hearing his Child, comes
to the Place ; and when he found out the Occafioa
of his crying, was angry, and bad the Inquifitor*.$.
Servant reftore the Reed to him. And upon his
Refnfal, and infolently contemning the Country-
man, he fnatch'd it away ,• and as the Boy held-
it faft, the Gardener (lightly hurt his Hand by
the fliarp Husk of the Reed, in puUing it from
him. The Wound was far from being mortal^
or from endangering the Lofs of any Part, and
fo could not deferve a fevere Punifhment. 'Twas
no more than a Scratch of the Skin, a mere childiih
Wound, as one may imagine by the Caufe of it:.
However, the Inquifitor's Boy came to his Mafter^
who was walking near the Place, to complain
about his Wound ; upon which the Inquifitor or-
ders the Gardener to be taken up, and thrown
into the Inquifitory Jail, and kept him there for
nine Months in very heavy Irons,- by which he
received fuch Damage in his Circumftances, which
were at beft but mean, as the poor Man could
not eafily recover; his Children and Wife, in
the mean while^ being ready to perifli for Hunger ;
And all becaufe he did not pay Deference enough
to the Inquifitor^'s Boy, as a Member of the holy
Tribunal. At nine Months End they difmiffed
him from Jail, and would have perfuaded him
that they dealt much more, mercifully with him
than his Crime deferved.

Again, there ar€ other Perfons who are only
fufpetted of Herefy. This Sufpicion is threefold ;
Light, Vehement, or Violent. A light Sufpicion

Pa arifes

212 7>&^ History^ PERSECutioi"?.

arifes from a Perfon's frequenting Conventicles^
and in his Behaviour differing from the common
Converfntion of the Faithful. A vehement Sufpi-
cion of Herefy, is a Perfon's not appearing when
called to anfvver upon any Article of the Faith ;
hindering the Inquifirion, giving Counfel or Af-
fiftance to Hcreticks ; or advifing them to conceal
ttie Truth, or who knowingly accompany, vifit^
or receive them; or wh® are convifted of Per-
jury or Lykio^ in a Caufe of the Faith ; or who
give ecclefiaftical Burial to Hereticks, or their
Favourers, or bury them in Church-Yards with
Pfalms and Prayers '-, or who preferve the Afties,
Bones, Garments, and the like, of buried Here-
ticks ; or who think ill of fome Dodrine or Order
of the Church, fuch as the Power of the Pope,
the Religion of the Monks, the Rites of the Sa-
crament, and the like ; or who perfift in their
Excommunication for two Years : Such Perfons
give fuch Sufpicions as are fufficient to put them
to the Torture. A violent Sufpicion arifes from
fuch external Words and Aftions by which it
may be effeftually, and almoft always concluded,
that he who fays or doth them is an Hereticks
fuch as the receiving the Communion from Here-
ticks, and the like. Of thefe different Kinds of
Sufpicions the Punifhment is different. A Perfon
lightly fufpcfted is injoin'd Canonical Purgation,
or may be made to abjure. One vehemently
fufpefted may be commanded a general Abjura-
tion of all Herefies ; after which, if he relapfes
into his former Herefy, or affociates with, and
favours Hereticks, he is delivered over to the
fecular Power as a Relapfe. One violently fuf-
peded, is to be condemned as an Heretick. If
he confelfes and abjures, he may be admitted to

Penanqc ;

The History oJ Persecution.

Penance ; but if he doth not confefs, and will not
abjure, he is to be delivered over to the fecular
Court, and burnt.

And as Ibme Perfons are fufpeded, others are
defamed for Herefy ; fuch who are fpoken againft
by common Report, or fuch againft whom there
is legal Proof before a Bilhop that they are fpo-
ken againft upon account of Herefy. And to
this two Wi^nelTes fuffice, tho' they have had
their Information from difterent Perfons, and
tho^ they don't agree as to Time and Place, and
the Caufes of their Knowledge i and tho' ihe
Perfon accufed as defamed, can prove himfelf
to be of good Reputation. The Puniihment of
one thus defamed is Canonical Purgation^ and
fome other ordinary Penalty.

Again, ot|;ier Perfons are Relapfed j fuch who
after having been convided, either by the Evi-
dence of the Fad, or their own Confeffion, or
legal Witnefles, have publickly abjured their He-
refy, and are convinced of fajling into the fame
again, or into any different Herefy, or into a
violent Sufpicion of Herefy, and who accompany,
vifit, and favour Hereticks ,• cr who are found
to be perjured after Abjuration, or who after
Abjuration and Purgation do not perform the
Penance injoin'd them. But there is this Diffe-
rence between the laft, and the former relapfed
Perfons ,• that the former are left without Mercy
to the fecular Arm; whereas 'tis in the Inqui-
(icor^s Pleafure to deliver the latter to fecular
Judgment, or not.

Thofe alfo who read and keep prohibited Books
are fubjed to the Tribunal of the Inquifition.
Pope Pius V. by a Bull excommunicated, amongft
others, all who. (hould knowingly read, keep in
their Houfes, print, or in any wife defend, for

P 3 any

The History ^Persecution.

any Caufe, publickly or privately, under any
Pretence or Colour, prohibited Books, without:
the Authority of the Apoftolick See. If any onq
brings heretical Books into any Catholick Coun-
tries, he is not only excommunicated, but his
Goods confifcared, and himfelf whipped, if he
be of mean Condition ^ but if he is of the better
Sort, he is baniftied ac the Pleafure of the In-?
quifiton If there arifes any vehement Sufpicion
of Herefy, from any one^s reading, keeping, de-
fending, or printing the Books of Hereticks,
he may be put to the Torture to difcover the
Truth. If any of the Clergy read or keep pro-
hibited Books, they are* vehemently fufpeSed^
and may be deprived of*the active and paflive
Voice, fufpended from divine Services, deprived
of the Offices of Reading, Preaching, &c* and
be injoined Faftings, Pilgrimages, and the like.

The Inquifitors alfo take Cognizance of thofe
who marry feveral Wives at once, becaufe they
are prefumM to think wrong of the Sacrament of
Matrimony. If upon Examination any one affirms
it lawful for a Chriftian Man to have feveral Wives
ac once, he is taken for a formal Heretick, and
is to be punilhed as fuch. If he denies any he-
retical Intention, he muft be put to the Torture;
that the Inquifitors may know what his Mind is,
and whether he married two Wives out of any
erroneous Opinion concerning the Sacrament of
Matrimony, or thro' Luft, or carnal Concu-
pifcence. All fuch Perfons are fufpefted of He-
refy, and muft abjure as fuch, and may be con-
demned to the Gallies.

, If any one celebrates Mafs, or hears Confef-
fion, and gives Abfokuion, not being in Prieft's
Orders, he is vehemently fufpede^ of Herefy ;
and muft abjure, as fuch, and then be delivered

over

Th€ History ^Persecution. 215

over to the fecular Arm, to be pnnifhed with
Death. Raynald gives U5 an Inftance of one who
faid he was a Bifhop, though he had not the
Pope^s Bull, and as fuch confecrated Priefts.
The Story is this : '^ James the Prieft, a falfe
Minorite, born in the Durchy of ^f^/zm, forged
the Pope's Bull, and declared in the Nether-^
lands that he was a Bifhop ; and although he
had not been ordained a Bilhop, he confecra-
ted Priefts by a falfe Ceremony in feveral Dio-
cefes of Germany and the Low Countries, At
length he was convided of his Wickedncfs, and
the Magiftrates of Utrecht thought fit, not to
condemn him to the Flames, that he might be
quickly confumed, but to be gradually burnt
by boiling Water, that fo they might conquer
his Obftinacy, becaufe he moft impudently re-
fufed to acknowledge his Crime. But being
gradually let down into the boiling Cauldron,
and overcome with the Extremity of the Pain,
he detefted his Wickednefs> and prayed that
he might receive a milder Puniihment. His
Judges being moved with Compaffion, ordered
him to be taken our of the boihng Cauldron,
and then to be beheaded/'
Thofe alfo who folicit Women or Boys to dif-
honourable Adions in the Sacramental Confeflion,
are fubjed to this Tribunal. Pius IV. publilhed
a Bull againft them ; and when this Bull was firft
brought into Spain^ all Perfons were commanded
by a publick Edift, folemnly publilhed throughout
all the Churches of the Archbilhoprick of Seville^
that whofoever knew or had heard of any Monks
or Clergymen who had abufed the Sacrament of
Confeflion to thefe Crimes, or had in any manner
afted in this vile Manner at Confeflion with their
Wives or Daughters, they (hould dilcover them

P 4 withio

Si6 The History ^Persecution.

within thirty Days to the holy Tribunal; and
very grievous Cenfures were annexed to fuch
as (hould negled; or contemn it. When the De-
cree was publilhed, fo large a Number of Wo-
men went to the Palace of the Inquifitors in the
City of Seville only, to make their Difcoveries of
thefe moft wicked Confcflbrs, that twenty Secre-
taries, with as many Inquifitors, were not fuffi-
cient to take the Depofitions of the WitnelTes.
The Lords Inquifitors being thus overwhelmed
xvith the Multitude of Affairs, afligned another
thirty Days for the Witneflfes ; and when this
was not fufiicient, they were forced to appoint
the fame Number a third and a fourth Time.
For as to Women of Reputation, and others of
higher Condition, every Time was not proper for
them to apply to the Inquifitors. On one hand,
their Confcience forced them to a Difcovery thro*
a fuperftltious Fear of the Cenfures and Excom-
munication ; and on the other hand, their Re-
gard to their Husbands, whom they were afraid
to offend, by giving them any ill Sufpicion of
their Chaftity, kept them at home ; and there-
fore veiling their Faces, after the Spanijb Cuftom,
they went to the Lords Inquifitors, when, and as
privately as they could. Very few, however,
with all their Prudence and Crafr, could efcape
the diligent Obfervation of their Husbands at
the Time of Difcovery, and hereby poflefled
their Minds with the deepeft Jealoufy. However,
after fo many had been informed againft before
the Inquifitors, that holy Tribunal, contrary to
all Mens Expedations, put a Stop to the Affair,
and commanded all thofe Crimes which were
proved by legal Evidence> to be buried in eternal
Oblivion-

l^he History ^Persecution. 217

It is required that this Solicitation be made
in the Aft of Sacramental Confeffion ,• as if im-
mediately after Confeffion the ConfefTor fays to
the Woman, fince you have carnally lain with
fuch a one, do me the Favour, and lie with me :
Or if a ConfefTor folicits a Boy immediately after
Confeffion, carrying him into his Houfe or Cham-
ber; or if he injoins Penance to a Woman, njiz,.
to be whipped naked by the ConfefTor himfelf,
and he himfelf performs the Penance, and whips
her with his own Hand, or with a Scourge," or if
he perfuades a Woman ro (hew her privy Parts
to him, which (he confefled to be affeded with
a certain Difeafe ; fuch ConfelTors are vehe-
mently fufpefted, and muft abjure as fuch, and
be injoin'd Faftings and Prayers, and may be
condemned to the GalJies, or perpetual Imprifon-
ment ; muft be fufpended from hearing Confef-
(iofts, and deprived of their Benefices, Dignities,
and the like.

Yea, fometimes, according to the Heinoufnefs
of the Offence, a more grievous Punifhment is
inflided. "the Venetians ordered one of them to be
burnt alive, by Command of the Pope. He had beeu
Father Confejfor to fome Nuns in the Dominions of
Venice, and had got twelve of them with Child ;
amongft whom the Abbefs and two others had Children
in one Tear. As he was confefpng them, he agreed
with them about the Place, Manner^, and "Time of
lying with them. All were filled with Admiration and
Aftonifhment^ taking the Man for a perfeEi Saint j he
had fo great a Shew of SanEiity in his very Face.
Epift. ad Belgas, Cent, i . Ep. 66. p. 345, & Ep. 6^.
p. 515.

In Portugal alfo the Crime of Sodomy belongs to
the Tribunal of the Inquificion. By the Laws of
that Kingdom Sodomites are punifhed with Death,

^n4

2i8 T^be HisT0RY?i?/l Persecution.

and Confifcation of all their Effeftsj and their
Children and Grandchildren become infamous.
After the natural Death o£ a Sodomite, if the Cringe
hath not been proved, they cannot proceed againft:
tiim,, neither as to the -Crime, nor Confifcation
of Effefts, although the Crime can be proved by
legal WitnefTes j becaufe Crimes, v^hich ate not
particularly excepted, of .which 6Wo;;/j> is one,
are extinguithed by the Death of the Delinquent.
Nor do they proceed againft a dead Sodomite,
nor confifcate his Effects, although he hath been
convifted, or confeflTed when he was alive. If
fuch a one takes Sanduary in a Church, he can'c
be taken out of it.

If we compare thefe Things with the Punilh-
ments of Hereticks, it will appear that the Crime
of Sodomy in the Kingdom oi Portugal is efteemed
a much fmaller one than that of Herefy, becaufe
Sodomites enjoy Privileges which are denied to
Hereticks. And yet it may happen, that a truly
pious Man, who fears God, and is moft careful
of his eternal Salvation, may be accounted an
Heretick by the Portuguez^e Inquificors ; whereas
a Sodomite cannot but be the vileft of Men. But
^cis not at all ftrange, that by the Laws of that
Tribunal Barabhas (hould be releafed, and Chrift
crucified.

Blafphemers alfo, who deny God, or their Be-
lief in him, or the Virginity of our Lady^ are
iubjed to the Inquifitors, and puniChed in the
following Manner. If the Plafphemy be very
heinous, and the Blafphemer a mean Perfon, he
is m^ade to wear an infan^ous Mitre, hath his
Tongue tied, and pinched with an Iron or Wooden
Gag, is carried forth as a publick Speftacle with-
out his Cloak; whipped vyith Scourges, and ba-
pi(6edf Bu5 if he be g Perfon of better Con-
dition,

The History of Persecution. ^i^

dition, or Noble, he is brought forth without
the Mitre, thruft for a Time into. a Monaftery^
and puniftied with a Fine. In fmaller Blafphe-
mies they are dealc with more gently, at the Plea-
fure of the Inquifitors, "uiz,. the Blafphemer is
condemned to ftand, duriqg divine Service, upon
fome Holiday or other, with his Head naked,
without his Cloak and Shoes, his Feet naked, a
Cord tied round him, and holding a burning
Wax-Taper in his Hands. Sometimes alfo they
fqueeze his Tongue with a Piece of Wood. Aftei:
divine Service is over his Sentence is read, by
which he is injoinM Faftings, and a Fine.

This Punilhment however doth not take place
as to a Clergyman. For if a Clergyman was to
appear without his Shoes, and wifh an Halrer
about his Neck, and thus ftand at the Gates of
the Church before the People, the Clerical Order^
and the Miniftry of the Clergy would fuffer Dif-
grace i and it would become a Wonder, and evil
Example to the Laity, if the blafpheming Clergy
were thus expofed.

In thefe Cafes the Inquifitors moftly a6l ac-
cording to their own Pleafure, who have an ample
Power of judging according to the Nature and
Heinoufneis of the Crimes. A certain Perfon
who had a Qiiarrel with a Clergyman of Ecya^
a City in Spain^ accidentally faid, in the Hearing
of others, that he could not believe that God
would come down into the Hands of fa profligate
an Adulterer. The Vicar of the Ordinary fined
him for the Speech. But the Clergyman not con-
tented with this Revenge, afterwards accufed
him of Blafphemy at the Tribunal of the Inqui-
fitors at StviUe, Nor did the Fine to which he
was before condemned by the Ordinary, prevent
hi$ being taken up by Command of the Inqui-

fitor^j

220 T'he History ^ Persjecution.

fitors, imprifoned for a whole Year, brought our
in Triumph without Cloak or Hat, carrying a
Wax-Candle in his Hand, his Tongue gagged
with a wooden Gag, thus to punilh his Blas-
phemy ; and being forced to abjure, as lightly
iiifpefted, he was fined a fecond Time,
* Fortune-Tellers, who look into the Palms o£
the Hands, fuch who exercife Divination by Lots,
and ufe Candles and holy Water to difcover ftolen
Goods, if they deny any heretical Intention, may
be tortured to difcover it; and if found guilty,
are excommunicated, whipped, banifhed, and
fubjed to other Punifhments. If any pretend to
foretel tlie Myfteries of Faith by the Stars, or the
Life or Death of the Pope, or his Kindred, they
may be puniflned with Death, and Confifcation
of Goods. With thefe Fortune-Tellers are joined
Witches; who are reported to deny the Faith,
and make a Compad with the Devil. Thefe
poor Wretches are miferably tortured to force
them to confefs, and then burnt. The Inqui-
fitors, within the Space of 1 50 Years, burnt 30000
of them.

Finally, the Jewa are alfo feverely handled by
this Tribunal. The Inquifition indeed is not
defignM to compel the Jews to turn Chriftians,
but is introduced againft thofe, who being con-
verted from Judaifm to Chriftianity, return again
to the Principles they have forfaken ,• or who
deny Matters of Faith common to them and
Chriftians; or if they invoke Devils, or facrifice
to them ; or if they fpcak heretical Blafphemies,
or pervert a Chriftian from the Faith, or hinder
Infidels from being converted ; or knowingly re-^
ceive an Heretick, or keep heretical Books, or
deride the Hoft or the Crofs ; or keep Chriftian
Hurfcs, and the like. But t|je Inquifition i^

leve>le4

ne History ^Persecution, 221

levelled principally againft thofe, who having pro-,
feflfed Chriftianity, and been baptized, turn again'
to Jiidaifm. When fufpecied they are liable to
the Torture, n^ay be comperied to abjure, fined,
imprifoned, whipped, or burnt, according to the
Nature of their Errors, or heretical Adions^.

SECT, IV.

Oj the Manner of Proceeding before the Tribunal of
the Inquisition,

IT now remains that I give fome Account of
what relates to the Execution of the Inqui-
fitorial Office-

When the Inquifitor is firft conftituted by the
Pope, he muft prefent himfelf to the King, or
other temporal Lord of thofe Territories in which
he is to ad, and deliver his Apoftolick Com-
miflion, and demand full Proceftion for himfelf
and Officers, in all Matters belonging to their
Office. He muft alfo (hew his Commiflion to
the Archbifliops and Bifhops of the Diocefes in
which he is fent. Finally, he takes an Oath
from the Civil Officers, that they will defend
the Faith, and obey the Inquifitor with all their 1
Might ; and this Oath they may compel them to
take, under pain of Excommunication, and all
the Punilhflfients which attend it.

After this the Inquifitor appoints a Sermon
to be preached on a certain Day, all other Ser-
mons being fufpended,* at which four of each
Religion muft be prelent, and in which he com-
mends the Catholick Faith, and exhorts the People
to extirpate heretical Pravity. When the Sermon
is ended, he admonifties them to difcover to him-
felf all Perfons who are erroneous^ and have faid

222 The History of Persecution.

or done any Thing againft the Faith : and thert
orders monitory Letters to be read from the
Pulpit, by which all Perfons, of whatfoever Con-
dition, Clergy or Laity, are commanded, under
Pain of Excommunication, to difcover to the In-
quifitors within fix or twelve Days following any
Heretick, or Perfon fufpefted of Herefy, which
they know. Thefe monitory Letters are called.
An EdiEl of the Faith. When thefe Letters are
read, he promifes, in the Pope^s Name, Indul-
gences for three Years to all who affift him in re-^
ducing Hereticks, or who difcover to him any
fnch 3 or Perfons defamed, and fufpedted of He-
refy ; or who, in any other Cafe, bear true Wit-
nefs before him in an Ad of Faith. And finally,
he afligns a Time of Grace to all Hereticks, &c.
'VIZ,, the Month following ; promifing them, that
if within that Space they come freely to him, be-
fore they are accufed or apprehended, and vo-
luntarily difcover their Guilt, and ask Pardon,
they fhall obtain Pardon and Mercy ; viz.^ Free-
dom from Death, Imprifonment, Banifhment, and
Confifcation of Effefts.

From this Obligation to accufe Hereticks, no
Perfons, of whatK)ever Dignity or Degree, are
exempted : Brother muft accufe Brother, the
Wife her Husband, the Husband his Wife, the
Son his Father, when heretical, or fuTpeded of
Herefy ; the Edid obliges all ,• and neither Kings
nor Princes, nor neareft Relations are e:^mpted.

Joan^ the Daughter of the Emperor Charles V.
was cited by the Inquifitors to be interrogated
before them, againft a certain Perfon, concerning
fome Things relating to the Faith. She confulted
her Father, who advifed her to make her Depo-
fition without any Delay (left flie (hould incur
Excommunication) not only againft others^ but

even

The History of Persecution. 223

even againft himfelf, if ihe knew him to be blame-
able in the leaft Matter. Joan obeyed this Com-
mand of her Father, and immediately depofed
before Ferdinand Valdez.^ Archbilhop o{ Seville^
at thar Time Bilhop^'and Inquificor General.

Lewis de Carvajal^ altho' Governor and Cap-
tain General of the Province of Tampico and P^-
micOy was forced to walk out in publick Penance,
becaufe he did not denounce four Women/ who
were fecretly Jews^ and to whom he was Uncle ;
and tho* a little before he had the honourable
Title of Prefident, he was forced to hear his
ignominious Sentence publickly^ ivas for ever de-
prived of ail OiSices under the King, reduced to
the loweft Mifery, and thro^ Grief and Weari-
nefs of his Life, foon went the Way of all
Flelh.

If any Perfon comes in within the appointed
Time to accufe himfelf, he is asked, how long he
hath continued in his Errors, and from whom he
learnt them ? Whether he hath had, and read
any heretical or fufpefted Books ? What they
were, from whom he had them, and what he hath
done with them ? Other Queftions are added
concerning his Accomplices \n Herefies, t|jat he
may tell the Names of all thofe Hereticks, or
Perfons fufpeded of Herefy, whom he knows.
He is farther asked. Whether he hath ever been
inquifited, procefTed, or accufed or denounced
in any Tribunal, or before any Judge, on ac-
count of the aforefaid Errors, or other Things
relating to Herefy ? He is alio admoniftied (im-^
ply CO tell the whole Truth which he knows, as
well of himlelf as of others y becaufe, if he is
afterwards found deceitfully to have concealed
any Thing, he is judged as one whofe Confeffion
is imperfe(3:> and as impenitent, and feignedly

converted.

i24 ^he History ^ Persecutiom.

converted. Finally, he is interrogated. Whether
he repents of thefe Errors and Herefies into which
he hath fallen ? And whether he is ready to
abjure, curfe and deceft them, and all other He-
refies whatfoerer, that exalc themfelves againft
the holy Apoftolick and Roman Church, and to
live for the future catholickly, according to the
Faith of the Church of Rome, and devoutly to
fulfil the falutary Penance injoinM him?

However, fuch as come thus voluntarily, are
far from efcaping all Punifhment, but are either
treated kindly at the Pleafure of the Inquifitor,
according to the Quality of their Perfons and
Crimes, or elfe condemned to pay a Fine, or give
Alms, or fome fuch Works of Charity. But if
they wait till they are accufed, denounced, cited
or apprehended, or fufier the Time of Grace to
flip over, they are pronounced unworthy of fuch
Favours.

And in this Cafe many foolifhiy deceive them-
felves with a falfe Opinion, believing, that be-
caufe Favour is promifed to fuch who appear vo-
luntarily, they (hall be free from all Punilhment ;
becaufe they are only failed from the more ter-
Tible ones, it being left to the Pleafure of the
Inquifitors to infli(5i: fome penitential Punifliment
on them, according to the Nature of their Crime,
ias will appear from the following Inftance.
** There was at the City of Cadiz, a certain Fo-
*^ reigner, who yet had lived in Spain for twenty
*' Years; who, according to a common Super-
*^ ftition, dwelt in a Defart in a certain Chapel,
" upon the Account of Religion. Hearing in
*' his Chapel of the great Number of thofe who
^* were taken up every Day at Seville by the In-
** quifitors, for what they call the Lutheran He-
" refies ; having heard alfo of the Decree of the

" Inqui*

The History of Persecution. 2^25

*^ Inquificors, by which he was commanded,
** under the Terrors of Excommunication, im-
*' mediately to difcover to the Inquifition what--
'^ foever he knew of thofe Things, either as to
" others or himfelf ; the poor ftupid Hermit
" comes to Seville^ goes to the Inquifitors and
^^ accufes himfelf, becaufe he thought the faid
Inquilitors would ufe lingular Clemency to-
wards thofe who thus betrayed themfelves.
His Crime was. That whereas being about
** twenty Years before this at Genoa, and hearing
** a certain Brother of his difputing about a
" Man's Juftification by Faith in Chrift, of Pur-
** gatory, and other Things of the like Nature,
^^ he did not wholly condemn them, tho' he ne-
^^ ver thought of them afterwards. He therefore
" acknowledged his • Crime, and came to ask
*' Mercy. When the Lords Inquifitors had re-
^ceived his Confeffion, they commanded the
poor Hermit to Jail ,• where, after a long Con-
finement, he was brought out in publick Pro-
^* ceffion, and was fentenced to wear the San-
** benito, to three Years Imprifonment, and the
*' Forfeiture of his Effefts/'

Sometimes alfo they ufe a certain Stratagem to
draw Perfons to a voluntary Appearance before
the Inquifitors. " When they have apprehended
*' any remarkable Perfon, who hath been the
^' Teacher of others, or who they know hath
** been reforted to by many others, upon ac^
*^ count of his Doctrine and Learning, as being
*^ a Tdacher and Preacher of great Repute ; *tis
^^ ufual with them to caufe a Report to be fpread
amongft the People, by their Familiars, that
"being grievoufly tortured, he had difcovered
^^ feveral of thofe that had adhered to him, fub-
!! orning fome Perfons out of the neighbouring

Q^ • :: Prifons

Z^^ ^he History of Persecution,

Prifons to aflfert that they heard his Cries amidft
** his Tortures, in order to give the greater
Credit to the Report. Thefe Reports are
fpread for this Reafon, that fuch who have
attended on his Inftrudions, or have been any
ways familiar with him, may in time go to the
holy Tribunal, confefs their Fault, and im-
^^ plore Mercy, before they are fent for, or ap-
prehended. By this Means they impofe on
*^ many, who, if they had waited for their Sum-
mons, had never been fummoned at all. Or
^^ if it (hould have happened that they had been
^' fummoned, would not have been dealt xvith
*^ more feverely than they generally are, who
^' truft to the Inquifitors Promifes.''

If any Perfon is accufed by another, the Ac-
cufer is interrogated, ^.^ How long he hath known
ZV. againft whom he denounces ? Likewife,
how he came to know him? Again, whether
he obferved that the aforefaid N. was fufpecled
" of Matters relating to the Faith from his Words,
** or his Aftions ? Likewife, how often he had
^^ feen the faid AT. do or fay thofe Things for
which he thought him an Heretick, or fuf-
peded of Herefy ? Likewife, at what Time,
and in the Prefence of whom the aforefaid N.
^ did or faid^^thofe Things of which he is de-
nounced ? Likewife, whether the aforefaid iV.
hath had any Accomplices in the aforefaid
'*' Crimes, or any Writings belonging to the Of-
'' fences denounced ? Likewife, to what End
and Purpofe the aforefaid Things were done
^' or faid by the aforefaid N. whether ferioufly,
or in Jeft ? If it appears that there was a long
'^ Interval of Time between the Commiffion of
*■ the Crimes denounced, and the making the
" Jpenunciation, the Inquifitor interrogates the
* " Denoun^

The History ^/^ Persecution.

Denouncer, why he deferred fo long to come
" to the holy Office, and did not depofe before^,
" efpecially if he knew that he incurred the Pe-
*^ nalcy of Excommunication by fuch Omiflion?'*
He is moreover asked, '' Whether he knows any
*' Thing farther of N. which concerns the holy
*' Office, or of any other Perfon ? Likewife,
^' whether he hath at any Time had any Caufe
**" of Hatred or Enmity with the aforefaid iV*.
*^ and whence it proceeded? With what Zeal,
*' and with what Intention he comes to the holy
*' Office, and to make Denunciation ? Whether
*' he hath denounced thro' any Paffion of Mind>
** ill Will, Hatred, or Subornation? And he
'^ is admonllhed ingenuoufly to tell the Truth/.!
He is efpecially interrogated how he came by his
Knowledge, becaufe on that principally the Truth
and Weight of the Teftimony depends.

When the Denunciation is received, Firft, it
muft be read over to the Denouncer, that he may
add, takeaway, or alter as he pleafes. Secondly,
he muft fubfcribe to his Depofition ,• or if he
can't write, he muft at leaft put under it the Sign
of the Crofs. Thirdly, he muft take an Oath of
Secrecy,

After this the Witneflfes are call'd on. And
in this Affair all Perfons, even fuch as are not
allowed in other Tribunals, are admitted. Per-
fons excommunicated, Hereticks, Jews, and In-
fidels, Wives, Sons and Daughters, and Dome-
fticksj are allowed as Witneffes againft thofe ac-
cufed of Herefy, but never for them : Thofe
who are perjured and infamous. Whores, Bawds,
thofe under the Ban, Ufurers, Baftards, common
Blafphemers, Gamefters, Perfons aftually drunk.
Stage- Players, Prize-Fighters, Apoftatcs,.Traitors,

(^ 2 even

The History of Persecution,

even all without Exception, befides mortal Ene-
mies.

When the Witnefles are fummoncd, firft they
take an Oarh upon the Scriptures to fpeak the
Truth. After this he is asked by the Inquificor,
whether he knows, or can guefs the Caufe of his
Citation and prefent Examination ? If he fays
yes, he is interrogated how he knew it ? If he
fays no, he is interrogated, whether he hath known,
or doth know now any one or more Hereticks,
or Perfons fufpeded of Herefy, or at leall is able
to name any fuch ? Whether he knows N? What
was the Occafion of his Acquaintance with him?
How long he hath known him ? Whether he hath
been ufed to converfe with him ? Whether he
hath heard at any time any Thing from the faid
N. concerning the Catholick Religion ? Whether
ever he was in fuch a Place with the faid N. and
whether the faid N. did or faid there fuch and
fuch heretical Things, or favouring of Herefy ?
Who were prefent when N, did or faid the afore-
faid Things? How often he faw them faid or
done, and on what Occafion, and how ? Whe-
ther the faid N. fpoke the sforefaid Things in
Jeft, or without Thinking, or thro^ a Slip of his
Tongue, or as relating the Herefies of fome other
Perfon or Perfons? Whether he faid any Thing
which ought not to have been faid, thro' Hatred
or Love, or omitted and concealed fomewhat that
ought to have been explained ? He is farther
admonifhed to tell the fingle Truth, becaufe, if
he isdetefted of fpeaking falfely, he will be made
to fufter the Penalties, not only of Perjury, but
of favouring Herefy.

After this one of the Proctors of the Court de-
mands that the Criminal be taken up, and the

Inqui-

The History ^Persecution. 229

Inquifiror fubfcribes an Order for this Purpofe.
When he is apprehended, he muft be well guard-
ed, put in Irons, and delivered to the Jail- Keeper
of the Inquifiiion.

When the Criminal is put in Jail, he is brought
before the Inquifiror. The Place where he ap-
pears before the Inquifitor, is called by the Por-
tuguez^ the Table of the holy Office. At the
farther End of it there is placed a Crucifix, raifed
up almoft as high as the Cieling. In the Middle
of the Room there is a Table. At that End
which is neareft the Crucifix, fits the Secretary
or Notary of the Inquifition. The Criminal is
brought in by the Beadle, with his Head, Arms
and Feet naked, and is followed by one of the
Keepers. When they come to the Chamber of
Audience, the Beadle enters firft, makes a pro-
found Reverence before the Inquifitor, and then
withdraws. After this the Criminal enters alone,
who is ordered to fit down on a Bench at the
other End of the Table, over againft the Secre-
tary. The Inquintor fits on his right Hand.
On the Table near the Criminal lies a Miflfal, or
Book of theGofpels; and he is ordered to lay
his Hand on one of them, and to fwear that he
will declare the Truth, and keep Secrecy.

After taking this Oath, of declaring the Truth
both of himfelf and others, the Inquifiror inter-
rogates him of divers Matters. As, whether he
knows why he was taken up, or hath been in-
formed of ic by any one or more Perfons?
Where, when, and how he was apprehended ?
If he fays that he knows nothing of it, he is asked,
whether he can't guefs at the Reafon ? Whether
he knows in what Prifons he is detained? and
upon what Aecount Men are imprifoned there ?
If he fays he can't guefs at the Caufe of his Im-

(^ 3 prifonment.

230 The History ^Persecution.

prifonment, but knows that he is in the Prifons
of the holy Office, where Hereticks and Perfons
lufpeded of Herefy are confined, he is told, that
fince he knows Peribns are confined there for their
Profanation of Religion, he ought to conclude
that he alfo is confined for the fame Reafon ; and
rnuft therefore declare what he believes to be the
Caufe of his own Apprehenfion and Confinement
in the Prifons of the holy Office. If he fays be
cannot imagine wjiat it (hould be, before he is
asked any other Qiieftions, he receives a gentle
Admonition, and is put in mind of the Lenity
of the holy Office towards thofe who confefs
without forcing, and of the Rigour of Juftice
ufed towards thofe who are obftinate. They alfo
compare other Tribunals with the holy Office,
and remind him, that in others the Confeffion of
the Crime draws after it immediate Execution
and Punilhment; but that in the Court of the
Inquifition, thofe who confefs, and are penitent,
are treated with greater Gentlenefs, After this
he is admonifhed in Writing, and told, that the
Minifters of the holy Office never take up
any one, or are ufed to apprehend any one
without a juft Caufe i and that therefore they
earneftly befeech him, and command and enjoin
him exaftly to recoiled and diligently to confider
his Adions, to examine his Confcience, and
purge it from all thofe Offences and Errors it
kbours under, and for which he is informed
againft.

After this he is asked, what Race he comes of?
Who were his Parents and Anceftors? that here-
by he may declare ail his Family. Whether any
one of them was at any time taken up by the
holy Office, and enjoined Penance? This they
are efpecially asked, who defcend from Jews^

The HisToRV of Persecution. 231

Mahometans^ and Sedaries. Where he ivas brought
up? In whac Places he hath dwelt? Whether he
ever changed his Country ? Why he did fo, and
went into another Place ? With whom he conver*
fed in the aforefaid Places ; who were his Friends,
and with whom he was intimate ? .Whether he
ever converfed with any of his Acquaintance
about Matters of Religion, or heard them fpeak
about Religion ? In what Place, and when, and
how often, and of what Things or Matters they
converfed ?

He is moreover asked, of what Profefilon He
is, and what Employment of Life he follows ?
Whether he be rich or poor ? What Returns he
hath, and what the Expences of his Living ?
Then he is commanded to give an Account of his
Life, and to declare what he hath done from his
Childhood, even to this Time. And that he may
declare all this, he is asked, in what Places ©r
Cities he ftudied, and what Studies he followed ?
Who were his Matters ? whofe Names he muft
tell. What Arcs he learnt ? What Books he
hath had and read? and whether he hath noiv
any Books treating of Religion, and what?
Whether ever he hath been examined and cited,
or fued, or procelfed before any other Tribunal,
or the Tribunal of the holy Inquifition, and for
what Caufes ; and whether he was abfolved or
condemned, by what Judge, and in what Year?
Whether ever he vt^as excommunicated, and for
what Caufe ? Whether he was afterwards ab-
folved or condemned, and for what Reafon?
Whether he hath every Year facramentally con-
feffed his Sins, how often, and in what Church ?
Then he is commanded to give the Names of his
Confeffors, and of thofe from whom he hath re-
ceived the Eucharift; and efpecially for the ten

0^4 Years

232 ^he History of Persecution,

Years laft paft, and more. What Orations or
holy Prayers he recites ? Whether he hath any
Enemies? whofe Names he muft tell, and the
Reafons of their Enmity.

If the Criminal is perfuaded by thefe, or by
more or lefs /uch Interrogatories, openly to con-
fefs the Truth, his Caufe is finilhed, becaufe 'tis
immediately known what will be the Iflfue of it.

But if after all thefe Interrogatories the Pri-
foner perfifts in the Negative, and fays he doth
not know why he is cited or fenc to Prifon, the
Inquifitor replies, that fince it appears from his
own Words, that he will not difcover the Truth,
and that there is no Proof of his having fuch En-
mities with any Perfons, or that there are no fuch
Caufes of Hatred as he alledges, by which others
could, or ought to be induced flanderoufly, and
falfely to inform againft him, that therefore there
af ifes the ftronger Sufpicion, that the Depofitions
againft him in the holy Office are true. And
therefore he is befeeched and adjured, by the
Bowels of Mercy of Chrift Jefus, to confider
better and better, and ingenuoufly to confefs the
Truth, and to declare whether he hath erred in
Words or Deeds, in the aforefaid Matter relating
to the Faith, and the holy Office, or rendred
himfelf fufpeded to others.

If by fuch general Interrogatories the Inqui-
fitor can't draw from the Prifoner a Confeflion
of the Crime of which he is accufed, he comes to
particular Interrogatories, which relate to the
Matter it felf, or the Crimes or Herefies for
which the Criminal was denounced. For In-
ftance, if he was accufed for denying Purgatory^
then one, two, or three Days after his firft Exa-
mination, he is again interrogated by the Inqui-
fitor, whether he hath any Thing, and what to

fay.

^he History of Persecution. 233

fayi befides what he faid in his other Examina-
tion ? Whether he hath thought better of the
Matter, and can recolleci: the Caufe of his Im-
prifonmenr, and former Examination, or hath at
leaft any Sufpicion who could accufe him to the
holy Office, and of what Matters ? Whether he
hath heard any one difcourfing of Paradife, Pur-
gatory, and Hell? What he heard concerning
that Matter ? Who they were, that he heard
fpeaking, or difputing of thofe Things ? Whe-
ther he ever difcourfed of them ? What he hath
believed, and doth now believe about Purgatory?
If he anfwers, that his Faith concerning it hath
been right, and denies any ill Belief, but that he
believes as holy Mother Church believes and
teaches, he is ordered to fay what the holy Roman
Mother Church doth think and believe concern-
ing this Article. 1

If the Prifoner knows the Reafon of his being
apprehended, and openly confeffes every Thing
of which he hath been accufed to the Inquifitor,
he is commended, and encouraged to hope for
a fpeedy Deliverance. If he confeffes fome
Things, but can^t guefs at others, he is com-
mended for taking up the Purpofe of accufing
himfelf, and exhorted by the Bowels of Mercy
of Jefus Chrift to proceed, and ingenuoufly to
confefs every Thing elfe of which he is accufed ;
that fo he may experience that Kindnefs and
Mercy, which this Tribunal ufes towards thofe
who manifeft a real Repentance of their Crimes
by a (incere and voluntary Confeffion.

In thefe Examinations the Inquifitors ufe the
greateft Artifice, to draw from the Prifoners Con-
feffions of thofe Crimes of which they are ac-
cufed ; promifing them Favour, if they will con-
fefs th^ Truth. And by thefe flattering Affu-

rances

234 The HisTpRY of Persecution,

ranees they fometimes overcome the Minds of
more unwary Perfons ,• and when they have ob-
tained the defigned End, immediately forget
«, Sij&'^.them all. Of this Gonfalvius gives us a remark-
able Inftance. '^ In the firft Fire that was blown
up at Seville, An. 1558, or 1 5 59. amongft many
others who were taken up, there was a certain
" pious Macron, with her two Virgin Daughters,
^^ and her Niece by her Sifter, who was married,
" As they endured thofe Tortures of all Kinds,
" with a truly manlike Gonftancy, by which
'*^ they endeavoured to make them perfidioufly
^' betray their Brethren in Chrift, and efpecially
^^ to accufe one another, the Inqaifitor at length
*^ commanded one of the Daughters to be fent
\^ for to Audience. There he difcourfed with
-** her alone for a confiderable Time, in order
^^ to comfort her, as indeed (he needed it. When
^^ the Difcourfe was ended, the Girl was re-

4C
CC

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cc
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cc
cc
cc
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manded to ber Prifon. Some Days after he
afted the fame Part again, caufins: her to be
brought before him feveral Days towards the
Evening, detaining her for a confiderable
while ; fometimes telling her how much he was
grieved for her AfHidions, and then inter-
mixing familiarly enough other pleafant and
agreeable Things.- All this, as the Event
(hewed, had only this Tendency, that after
he had perfuaded the poor fimple Girl, that
he was redlly, and with a-fath-erly AffeSion
concerned for her Calamity, and would confult ^
as a Father what might be for her Benefit and
Salvation, and that of her Mother and Sifters,
ftie might wholly throw her felf into his Pro-
tection* Afc6r fome Days fpent in fuch fa-
miliar Difcbuirfes, during Which he pretended
'^ to mourn wi^H- her over her Calamity, and to

" flicw

<c
cc
cc

The History of Persecution. 235

" (hew himfelf aflfeded with her Miferies, and
*^ to give her all the Proofs of his good Will, in
*' order, as far as he could, to remove them*;
*^ when he knew he had deceived the Girl, he
*^ begins to perfuade her to difcover what fli^
'^ knew of her feif, her Mother, Sifters, and
" Aunts who were not yet apprehended, pro-
'^ mifing upon Oath, that if fhe would faithfully
*' difcover to him all that (he knew of that Affair,
^^ he would find out a Method to relieve her
" from all her Misfortunes, and to fend them
'^ all back again to their Houfes. The Girl,
^' who had no very great Penetrarion, being thus
*^ allured by the Promifes and Perfuafions of the
" Father of the Faith, begins to tell him fome
'' Things relating to the holy Docftrine fhe had
** been taught, and about which they ufed to
^^ confer with one another. When the Inqui-
*^ ficor had now got hold of the Thread, he
" dextroufly endeavoured to find his Way
" throughout the whole Labyrinth ; ofcentimes
*^ calling the Girl to Audience, that what (he
*^ had depofed might be taken down in a legal
'^ Manner j always perfuading her, this would
" be the only juft Means to put an End to all
^^ her Evils. In the laft Audience he renews to
*' her all his Promifes, by which he had before
*' affured her of her Liberty, and the like. But
^^ when the poor Girl expefted the Performance
** of them, the faid Inquifitor, ivith his Fol-
*^ lowers, finding the Succefs of his Craftinefs,^
" by which he had in part drawn out of the
Girl, what before they could not extort from
her by Torments, determined to put her to
• the Torture a<?ain, to force out of her what
they thought (he had yet concealed. Accord-
^^ ingly fhe was made to fuflfer the moft cruel Part

I of

236 The History ^Persecution.

*^ of ir, even the Rack, and the Torture by
" Water ^ till at laft they had fqueezed out of
" her, as with a Prefs, both the Herefies and
^^ Accufations of Perfons they had been hunting
*' after. For, thro* the Extremity of her Tor-
*' ture, (he accufed her Mother and Sifters, and
^^ feveral others, who were afterwards taken up
" and tortured, and burnt alive in the fame Fire
'' with the Girl/;

But if they don't fucceed neither with this Way,
the Inquifitor permits fome Perfon or other, who
is not unacceptable to the Prifoner, to go to him,
and converfe with him; and if it be needful to
feign himfelf flill one of his own Sed, but that
he abjured thro* Fear, and difcovered the Truth
to the Inquifitor. When he finds that the Pri-
foner confides in him, he comes to him again late
in the Evening, keeps on a Difcourfe with him,
at length pretending 'tis too late to go away, and
that therefore he will ftay with him all Night in
the Prilbn, that they may converfe together, and
the Prifoner may be perfuaded by the other's
Difcourfe to confefs to one another what they
have committed. In the mean while there are
Perfons ftanding at a proper Place without the
Jail, to hear and to take Notice of their Words ;
who, when there is need, are attended by a No-
tary.

Or elfe the Perfon, who thus treacheroufly
draws out any Thing, according to his Defire,
from his Fellow-Prifoners, prays the Jail- keeper,
when according to Cuftom he is vifiting his Pri-
loners, to defire that he may have an Audience^
And when he goes out of his Jail to give an Ac-
count of his Office, he difcovers not only what he
heard from any of the Prifoners, but alfo how
they received the Dodrine propofed to them ;

/ whether

The History of Persecution. 237

whether with a chearful or angry Countenance,
and the like; if they rcfufed to give them an
Anfwer, and what they themfelves think of them.
And the Accufations of fuch a Wretch they look
on as the beft and rnoft unexceptionable Evi-
dence, ahho' the Perfon be other wife one of no
manner of Worth, Credit or Regard.

They who have been lately in the Prifon of
the Inquificion in Spain and Portugal^ tell us o£
another Method they make ufe of to draw a
Confeffion from the Prifoners, vix,* The Inqui-
(itor fnborns a certain Perfon to go and fpeak to
the Prifoner, and to tell him he comes of himfelf,
and of his own Accord, and to exhort him to tell
the Inquifitor the Truth, becaufe he is a mer-
ciful Man, and fuch fine Tales. This is now
particularly the Cuftom in Spain and Portugal^
as to thofe they call the new Chriftians. If the
Prifoner affirms himfelf to be a Catholick, and
denies that he is a Jew, and is not convided by
a fufficient Number of WicneflTes, they fuborn
one to perfuade him to confefs. If he prorefts
himfelf innocent, the other replies, that he alfo
hath been in Jail, and that his protefting his In-
nocence fignified nothing. What, had you ra-
ther dwell for ever in Jail, and render your Life
miferable, by being ever parted from your Wife
and Children, than redeem your Freedom, by
eonfeffing the Crime? By this, and other like
Things, the Prifbners are oftentimes perfuaded
to confefs not only real, but fiditious Crimes.
And when their Conftancy is thus almoft over-
come, the Inquifitor commands them to be brought
before him, that they may make him a Confeifion
of their Faults.

After thefe Examinations, if the Prifoner per- ^
fifts in the Negative, he is admitted to his De-
fence,

238 ^he History of Persecution.

fence, and hath an Advocate or Proftor ap-
pointed him, but fuch only as the Inquificors
allow him ; and who, as loon as ever they know
the Prifoners are criminal, bind themfelves by
Oath to throw up their Defence. A Copy of
the Accufation is ufiially given to the Prilbner,
to which he muft anfwer Article by Article ; and
likewife a Copy of the Proofs, but not of the
Names of the Witnefles, nor any Circumflances
by which they may difcover who they are, for
fear the Witneffes fliould be in danger if known.

After the Procefs is thus carried on, it is
finifhed in this Manner : Either by Ablblution,
if the Prifoner be found really innocent, or the
Accufation againft him not fully proved. Not
that they pronounce fuch Perfon free from He-
refy, but only declare that nothing is legally
proved againft him, on account of which he
^ ought to be pronounced an Heretick, or fuf-
peded of Herefy ; and that therefore he is wholly
releafed from his prefent Trial and Inquiluion.
But if notwithftanding this, he (hould afterwards
be accufed of the fame Crime, he may be again
judged and condemned for it; and this Abfo-
lution will ftand him in no ftead.

If the Party accufed is found to be only de-
famed for Herefy, and not convided of Herefy
by any legal Proofs, he is not abfolved, but in-
joined Canonical Purgation. The Manner of the
Purgation is this : The Party accufed muft pro-
duce feveral Witnefles, good and Catholick Men,
who muft fwear by God, and the four Holy
Gofpels of God, that they firmly believe he hath
not been an Heretick, or Believer of their Er-
rors; and that he hath fworn the Truth, in de-
nying it upon Oath. If he fails in his Purga-
tion, i. e. can't procure fuch a Number of Pur-

gers

The History of Persecution. 239

gets as he is injoined, he is efleemed as Convift,
and condemned as an Heretick.

If the Perfon accufed is not found guilty by
his own Confeffion, or proper Wicnefles ; yet if
he c^n't make his Innocence appear plainly to the
Inquifitor, or if he is caught contradifting him*
felf, or faukering, or trembling, or fvveating^ or
pale, or crying ,* or if there be half Proof of his
Crime, he is put to the Qiieftion or Torture.
And this Liberty the Inquifitors fometimes (hame-
fully abufe, by torturing the moft innocent Per-
fons ; as appears by the following Inftance.

'' A noble Lady, Joan Bohorquia, the Wife of Gonfalv*
Francis Varqums^ a very eminent Man, and^*^ ^*
Lord of Higuera^ and Daughter of Peter Garfia
Xerejtus^ a wealthy Citizen of Seville^ was ap-
prehended, and put into the Inquificion at *S>-
ville- The Occafion of her Imprifonment was,
*^ that her Sifter, Mary Bohorquia, a young Lady
*^ of eminent Piety, who was afterwards burnt
*^ for her pious Confeflion, had declared in her
^' Torture that (he had feveral Times converfeS
*^ with her Sifter concerning her own Dodrine.
*^ When (lie was firft imprifoned, fhe was about
fix Months gone with Child; upon which Ac-
count (he was not foftraitiy confined, nor ufed
with that Cruelty which the other Prifoners
were treated with, out of regard to the Infant
fhe carried in her. Eight Days after her De-

^^ livery they took the Child from her, and on
the fifteenth (hut her clofe up, and made her

undergo the Fate of the other Prifoners, and

began to manage her Caufe with their ufual

^^ Arts and Rigour. In fo dreadful a Calamity

^^ Ihe had only this Comfort, that a certain pious

young Woman, who was afterwards burnt for

" her Religion by the Inquifitors, was allowed her

"' for

T/6^ History of Persecution.

for her Companion. This young Creature
^' was, on a certain Day, carried out to her
Torture, and being returned from it into her
Jail, (he was fo (haken, and had all her Limbs
fomiferably disjointed, that when fhe laid upon
her Bed of Ruflhes, ic rather encreafed her
** Mifery than gave her Reft, fo that (he could
" not turn her felf without the moft exceflive
Pain. In this Condition, as Bohorquia had it
not in her Power to (hew her any, or but very
little outward Kindnefs, (he endeavoured to
comfort her Mind with great Tendernefs.
*^ The Girl had fcarce began to recover from her
Torture, when Bohorquia was carried out to
the fame Exercife, and was tortured with fuch
diabolical Cruelty upon the Rack, that the
'^ Rope pierced and cut into the very Bones of
^* her Arm.s, Thighs, and Legs ,• and in this
" Manner (he was brought back to Prifon, juft
" ready to expire, the Blood immediately run-
ning out of her Mouth in great Plenty. Un-
doubtedly they had burft her Bowels, info-
much that the eighth Day after her Torture
^^ (he died. And when after all they could not
" procure fufficient Evidence to condemn her,
*^ tho' fought after and procured by all their
** Inquifitorial Arts ; yet, as the accufed Perfon
'^^ was born in that Place, where they were ob-
" liged to give fome Account of the Affair to the
** People, and indeed could not by any Means
*^ diffemble it,- in the firft Aft of Triumph ap-
*^ pointed after her Death, they commanded her
^* Sentence to be pronounced in thefe Words :
*^ Becaufe this Lady died in Prifon (without
doubt fuppreffing the Caufes of it) and was
found to be innocent upon infpefting and di-
ligently examining her Caufe, therefore the

^' holy

The History^ Persecution. 241

holy TribunaU pronounces her free from all
** Charges brought againft her by the Fifcal, and
*' abfolving her from any farther Proecfs, doth
*^ reftore her both as to her Innocence and Re-
" putation ; and commands all her Effeds, which
*^ had been confifcated, to be reftored to thofe
^* to whom they of Right belonged, &c. And
^* thus after they had murdered her by Torture,
" with favage Cruelty, they pronounced her in-
nocent/^

After the Sentence of Torture is pronounced,'
the Officers prepare themfelves to inflid it.

The Place of Torture in the Spanifh Inqui-Gonfalw
(ition is generally an under-ground and veryp-<^5>6^a
dark Room, to which one enters thro^ feveral
Doors* There is a Tribunal ereded in it, in
which the Inquifitor, Infpedor, and Secretary
fit. When the Candles are lighted, and the
'^ Perfon to be tortured brought in, the Exe-
cutioner, who was waiting for him, makes a
^^ very aftonifliing and dreadful Appearance. He
is covered all over with a black Linnen Gar-
ment down to his Feet, and tied clofe to his
^^ Body. His Head and Face are all hid with
^' a long black Cowl, only two little Holes being
left in It for him to fee through. All this is
intended to ftrike the miferable Wretch with
greater Terror in Mind and Body, when he
fees himfelf going to be tortured by the Hands
of one who thus looks like the very Devil/'
The Degrees of Torture formerly ufed, were
principally three : Firft^ by Stripping and Bind-
ing. Secondly, by being hoifted up on the Rack.
Thirdly, Squaffation.

This Stripping is performed without any Re-
gard to Humanity or Honour, not only to Men,
but to Women and Virgins, tho* the moft vir-

R tuous

23.

7he History of Persecution.

tuoufe and chafte, of ivhom they have fometimes
rnany in their Prifohs. For they caufe them to
be ftripped, even ro their very Shifts ; which they
afcervvards rske off (forgive the Expreffion) even
to their Pudenda^ and then put on them ftraic
Liritlcn Drawers, and then make their Arms
naked quire up to their Shoulders. As to Squaf-
fation, \\s thus performed: The Prifoner hath
his Handis bound behind his Back, and Weights
tied to his Feet, and then he is drawn up on high,
till his Head reaches the very PuUy. He is kept
hanging in this Manner for fome time, that by
the Greatnefs of the Weight hanging at his Feet,
all his Joints and Limbs may be dreadfully ftretch-
ed ; and on a fuddeh he is let down with a Jirk,
by the Hacking tiie Rope, but kept from coming
quite to the Ground ; by which terrible Shake
his Arms and Legs are all disjointed, whereby
he is put to the moft exquifite Pain ; the Shock
which he receives. by the fudden Stop of his Fall,
and the Weight at his Feet, ftretching his whole
Body more intenfely and cruelly.

The Author' of the Hiftory of the Inquifition^
at Ooa tells us, that the Torture now praftifed
in the Portuguez^e Lnquifirion is exceeding cruel.
In the Months 0/ November and December, / heard
every Day in the Morning the Cries and Groans of
thofe' who were put to the Qttefiiony which is fo very
ctuely that I have feen feveral of both Sexes who have
been ever after lame. In this Tribunal they regard
neither Age nor Sex, mr Condition of Perfons^ but all
without DiflinElion are tortured, when 'tis for the In^
terefl of this T'ribunal.

The Method, of Torturing, and the Degree
of Tortures now ufed in the Spani/h Inquidtion,
will be well underftood from the Hiftory of
Jfaac OrobiOy a Jew, and Doftor of Phyfick, wno

was

The History of Persecution.

was accufed to the Inquifition as a Jew^ by a
certain Moor his Servant, u'ho had by his Order
before this been whipped for Thieving ; and
four Years after this he was again accufed by a
certain Enemy of his for another Fad, which
would have proved him a Jew. But Orobio ob^
ftinately denied that he was one. I will herb
give the Account of his Torture, as I had it
from his own Mouth. After three whole Years
which he had been in Jail, and feveral Exami*^
nations, and the Difcovery of the Crimes to him
of which he was accufed, in order to his Con^
feffion, and his conftant Denial of them, he was
at length carried out of his Jail, and thro* fe-
veral Turnings brought to the Place of Torture.
This was towards the Evening. It was a large
under-ground Room, arched, and the Walls coi-
vered with black Hangings. The Candleftickis
were fattened to the Wall, and the whole Room
cnlightned with Candles placed in them. At one
End of it there was an inclofed Place like a Clofetf,
where the Inquifitor and Notary fat at a Table i
fo that the Place feemed to him as the very
Manfion of Death, every Thing appearing fo
terrible and awful Here the Inquifitor again
admoniftied him to confefs the Truth, before his
Torments began. When he anfwered he had
told the Truth, the Inquifitor gravely protefted,
that fiiice he was fo obftinate as to fuffer the
Torture, the holy Office would be innocent, if
he (hould (hed his Blood, or even expire in his
Torments. When he had faid this, they put a
Linnen Garment over his Body, and drew it £o
very clofe on each Side, as almoft fqueezed hinsi
to Death. When he was almoft dying, they
flackned at once the Sides of the Garment,* and
after he began to breathe again, the fudden AI»-

R z teratioa

244 ^he History of Persecution.

tcration put him to the moft grievous Anguifli
and Pain. When he had overcome this Torture,
the fame Admonition was repeated, that he would
x:onfefs the Truth, in order to prevent farther
Torment. And as he perfifted in his Denial,
they tied his Thumbs fo very tite with fmall
Gords, as made the Extremities of them greatly
fwdl,. and caufed the Blood to fpurt out from
under his Nails. After this he was placed with
his Back againft a Wall, and fixed upon a little
Bench.. Into the Wall were faftened little Iron
-Pullies, thro' which there were Ropes drawn, and
Jtied round his Body in feveral Places, and efpe-
cially his Arms and Legs. The Executioner
.drawing thefe Ropes with great Violence, faftened
h\% Body with them to the Wall ; fo that his Hands
and Feet, and efpecially his Fingers and Toes
being bound fo ftraicly with them, put him to
the moft exquifite Pain, and feemed to him juft
as though he had been difl'olving in Flames. In
the midft of thefe Torments the Torturer, of a
-fudden, drew the Bench from under him, fo that
the- miserable Wretch hung by the Cords with-
out any Thing to fupport him, and by the Weight
of his Body drew the Knots yet much clofer.
After this a new kind of Torture fucceeded.
There was an Infli'ument like a fmall Ladder,
made of two upright Pieces of Wood, and five
orofs ones ftiarpned before. This the Torturer
placed over againft him, and by a certain proper
Motion ftruck it with great Violence againft both
his Shins; fo that he received upon each of them
at once five violent Strokes, which put him to
luch intolerable Anguifti that he fainted away.
After he came to himfelf, they inflided on him
Jthe laft Torture. The Torturer tied Ropes about
Orohk^ Wrifts, and then put thofe Rope^ about

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fi''245

7he History of Persecution. 245

his own Back, which was covered wich Leather,
to prevent his hurting himfelf. Tlien falling
backwards, and putting his Feet up againft the
Wall, he drew them with all his Might, till they'
cut thro' Oroiio\ Flelh, even to the very Bones;
and this Torture was repeated thrice, the Ropes*
being tied about his Arms about the Diftance oi
two Fingers Breadth from the former Wound,
and drawn with the fame Violence, But it hap-
pened, that as the Ropes were drawing the fe-
cond Time, they Aid into the firft Wound ; which
caufed fo great an Effufion of Blood, that he
feemed to be dying. Upon this the Phyficiari
and Surgeon, who are always ready, were fent
for out of a neighbouring Apartment, to ask their*
Advice, whether the Torture could be continued
without danger of Death, left the Ecclefiaftical
Judges Ihould be guilty of an Irregularity, if the
Criminal fhould die in his Torments. They, who
were far from beipg Enemies to Orolio^ anfwered,
that he had Strength enough to endure the reft
of the Torture, and hereby preferved him from
having the Tortures he had already endured re-;
peated on him, becaufe his Sentence was, that
he (hould fufter them all at one Time, one after
another. So that if at any time they are forced
to leave off thro' fear of Death, all the Tortures,-
even thofe already fuffered, muft be fucceflively
inflided, to (atisfy the Sentence. Upon this the
Torture was repeated the third Time, and then
it ended. After this he was bound up in his
own Clothes, and carried back to his Prifon,
and was fcarce healed of his Wounds in feventy
Days, And inafmuch as he made no Gonfeflion *
under his Torture, he was condemned, not as
one convifted, but fufpeded of Judaifmy to wear
for two whole Years the infamous Habit called '

R 3 Sambenito^

246 "^^^ History of pERSECtJTioN-

SamhenitOy and after that Term to perpetual Ba-*
nifhmenc from the Kingdom of Seville.
p. 19* Emefius Eremundus FrifiuSy in his Hiftory of

the Low Country Difturbances, gives us an Ac-
count from Gonjalvhis^ of another Kind of Tor-
ture- There is a Wooden Bench, which they
call the Wooden Horfe, made hollow like a
Trough, fo as to contain a Man lying on his Back
at full Length; about the Middle of which there
is a round Bar laid acrofs, upon which the Back
of the Perfon is placed, fo that he lies upon the
Bar inftead of being let into the Bottom of the
Trough, with his Feet much higher than his
Head. As he isjying in this Pofture, his Arms,
Thighs and Shins are tied round with fuiall Cords
or Strings, which being drawn with Screws at
proper Diftances from each other, cut into the
very Bones, fo as to be no longer difcerned *.
Gonfalv. Befides this, the Torturer throws over his Mouth
p. 76577. and Noftrils a thin Cloth, fo that he is fcarce
able to breathe thro^ them ; and in the mean
while a fmall Stream of Water like a Thread,
not Drop by Drop, falls from on high, upon the
Mouth of the Perfon lying in this miferable Con-
dition, and fo eafily finks down the thin Cloth to
the Bottom of his Throat; fo that there is no
Poflibility of- breathing, his Mouth being flopped
tvith Water, and his Noftrils with the Cloth ; fo
that the poor Wretch is in the fame Agony as
Perfons ready to die, and breathing out their laft.
When this Cloth is drawn out of his Throat, as'
it often is, that he may anfwer to the Qjieftions,
it is all wet with Water and Blood, and is like
pulling his Bowels thro* his Mouth. There is

* Thefe two Methods of Puni(hment fern to be taken from
the two differeat; IIqixr^ of the anticnt Eculeus.

alfo

The History of Persecution. 247

alfo another Kind of Torture peculiar to this
Tribunal, which they call the Fire. They order
a large Iron Chafin-di(h full of lighted Charcoal
to be brought in, and held clofe to the Soles of
the tortured Perfon's Feet, greafed over witU
Lard, fo that the Heat of the Fire niay more
quickly pierce thro* them.

This is Inquifition by Torture, when there is
only half full Proof of their Crime, However, ac
other Times Torments are fometimes inflifted
upon Perfons condemned to Death, as a Punifti-
ment preceding that of Death. Of this we have
a remarkable Infl:ance in William Lithgow^ an
Englifhmany who, as he tells us in his Travels,
was taken up as a Spy in MaOagom^ a City of
Spairiy and was expofed to the moft cruel Tor-
ments upon the Wooden Horfe. But when no-
thing could be extorted from him, he was deli-
vered to the Inquifitian as an Heretick, becaufe
his Journal abounded with Blafphemies againft
the Pope and the Virgin Mary- When he con-
feffed himfelf a Proteftant before the Inquifitor,
he was admoniflied to convert himfelf to the Roman
Church, and was allowed eight Days to deliberate
on it. In the mean while the Inquifitor and Je-
fuits came to him often, fometimes wheedling
him, fometimes threatning and reproaching him,
and fometimes arguing with him. At length they
endeavoured to overcome his Conftancy by kind
Affurances and Promifes : But all in vain, .And
therefore as he was immoveably fixed, he was
condemned, in the Beginning of Lem^ to fuffer
thtf Night following eleven moft cruel Torments ;
and after Eafter to be carried privately to Gra-
nada^ there to be burnt at Midnight, and his
Afties to be fcattered into the Air. When Night
came op his Fetters were taken oft, then he was

R 4 flripped

^be History ^Persecution.

ftripped naked, put upon his Knees, and his
Hands lifted up by Force; after which opening
his Mouth with Iron Inftruments, they filled his
Belly with Water till it came out of his Jaws.
Then they tied a Rope hard about his Neck,
and in this Condition rolled him feven times the
whole Length of the Room, till he was almoft
quite ftrangled. After this they tied a fmall
Cord about both his great Toes, and hung him
up thereby with his Head towards the Ground,
and then cut the Rope about his Neck, letting
him remain in this Condition, till all the Water
difcharged it felf out of his Mouth j fo that he
was laid on the Ground as juft dead, and had his
Irons put on him again. But beyond all Ex-
pe&ation, and by a very Angular Accident, he
was deliverM out of Jail, efcaped Death, and
fortunately fail'd home to England. But this Me-
thod of Torturing doth nonj belong to this Place,
where we are treating only of the Inquifition of
a Crime not yet fully proved.

If when the Perfon is decently tortured he con-
feflfes nothing, he is allowed to go away free ;
;and if he demands of his Judges that he be cleared
by Sentence, they can^t deny it him i and they
pronounce, that having diligently examined the
Merits of the Procefs, they find nothing of the
Crime of which he was accufed legally proved
againft him.

But if, when under the Qiieftion, he confefles,
'tis written in the Procefs ; after which he is car-
ried to another Place, where he hath no View
of the lortures, and there his ConfeiTion made
during his Torments is read over to him, and
he is. interrogated feveral- Times, till the Con-
-ftriTion be made. But here Gonfalvim obferves^
.that when the Priibner is carried to Audience,

they

Ihe History of Persecution. 249

they make him pafs by the Door of the Room
where the Torture is inflided, where the Exe-
cutioner (hews himfelf on purpofe to be feen in
that Shape of a Devil I have defcribed before,
that as he paflfes by, he may, by feeing him, be
forced to feel, as it were over agaiq, his paft
Torments.

If there be very ftrong Evidence againft the
Criminal, it new Proofs arife, if the Crime ob-
jefted to him be very heinous, and the Difco-
veries againft him undoubted; if he was not
fufficiently tortured before, he may be tortured
again, but then only when his Mind and Body are
able to endure it.

If he doth not perfift in his firft Confeffion,
and is not fufficiently tortured, he may be put
to the Torture again ^ not by way of Repetition,-
but Continuation of it.

But if he perfifts in his Confeffion, owns his
Fault, and asks Pardon of the Church, he is
condemned as guilty of Herefy^by his own Con-
feffion, but as penitent. But if he obftinately
perfifts in Herefy, he is condemned, and delivered
over to the fecular Arm to be punifhed with Death.
If he confclfes any Thing by Torture, he muft
be forced to abjure it.

When a Perfon accufed of Herefy is found to
be only flightly fufpefted of it, he is confidered
either as fufpefted publickly or privately. If he
is publickly fufpefted, this was formerly the
Manner of his Abjuration. On the preceding
Lord's Day the Inquificor proclaims, that on fuch
a Day he will make a Sermon concerning the
Faith, commanding all to be prefent at it. When
the Day comes, the Perfon to abjure is brought
to the Church, in which the Council hath deter-
mined that he ftiall make his Abjuration. There

250 ^he History ^Persecution.

he is placed upon a Scaffold, erefied near the
Altar, in the midft of the People, and is not
allowed to fit, but ftands onir, that all may fee
him, bare-headed, and with the Keepers ftand-
ing round him. The Sermon being made on the
. Mafs, to the People and Clergy there prefent,
the Inquifitor fays publickly, that the Ferfon
there placed an the Scaffold is fufpefted, from
fuch and fuch Appearances and Adions, of the
Herefy that hath been refuted in the publick
Sermon ; and that therefore 'cis fit that he fliould
purge himfelf from ir, by abjuring it, as one
flightly fufpeded. Having faid this, a Book of
the Gofpels is placed before him ; on which lay-
ing his Hands, he abjures his Herefy. In this
Oath he not only fwears that he holds that Faith
which the Roman Church believes, but alfo that
he abjures every Herefy that extols it felf againft
the holy Roman and Apoftoligk Church i and par-
ticularly the Herefy of which he was flightly fuf-
peSed, naming that Herefy : And that if he (hall
do any of the aforefaid Things for the future,
he willingly fubmits to the Penalties appointed
by Law to one who thus abjures, and is ready
to undergo «very Penance, as well for the Things
he hath faid and done, as for thofe concerning
which he is defervedly fufpefted of Herefy, which
they (hall lay on him ; and that with all his Power
he will endeavour to fulfil it.

If he hath not been publickly fufpefted, he
abjures privately after the fame Manner in the
Epifcopal Palace, or Inquifitors Hall.

If he is vehemently fufpefled, he is placed in
like manner upon a Scaffold; and after he hath
taken his Oath upon the Gofpels, his Abjuration
is delivered him in Writing, to read before all
the People, if he can. If he can't read, the

Notary^

"The History ^Persecution. 251

Notary, pr fome Religious, or Clergyman reads
it by Sentences, paufing between eaph till the
other hath repeated it after him j and fo on, till
tlie whole Abjuration is gone through. In this
Abjuration he fubmits himfelf to the Punilhments
due to Relapfes, if he ever after falls into the
Herefy he hath abjured. ^ After the Abjuration
is made, the Bilhop admonilhes him, that if 6ver
hereafter he doth, or fays any Thing by which
it can be proved^ that he hath fallen into the
Herefy he hath abjured, he ivill be delivered
over to the fecular Court without Mercy. Then,
he injoins him Penance, and commands him to
obferve it i adding this Threacning, that other-
wife he will become a Relapfe, and may, and
ought to be judged as an Impenitent. However,
fufpefl:ed Perfons, whether. ic be {lightly or ve-
hemently, are not condemned to wear Croffes,
nor to perpetual Imprifonment, becaufe thefc
are the Punilhments of penitent Hereticks ; the'
fometimes they are ordered to wear for a while
the Samhenito^ according to the Nature of their
Offence. Ordinarily they are injoinM to ftand
on certain holy^Days in the Gates of fuch and
fuch Churches^ holding a burning Taper of fuch
a Weight in their Hands, and to go a certain
Pilgrimage ,• fometimes alfo they are imprifoned
for a while, and afterwards difpofed of as is
thought proper.

Gonfalvius gives us fome Inftances of thefe Pu-p- i9i»
nifhments. ^' There was at Seville a certain poor
*^ Man, who daily maintained himfelf and his
" Family by the Sweat of his Brows. A certain
*^ Parfon detained his Wife from him by Vio-^
*^ Icnce, neither the Inquifition nor any other
** Tribunal puniftiing this heinous Injury. As
" the poor Man was one Day talking about Pur-

*' gatory.

The History of Persecution.

** gatory, with fome other Perfons of his own
'* Circumftances, he happened to fay, rather
*' out of ruftick Simplicity than any certain De-
'^ fign, chat he truly had enough of Purgatory
" already, by the rafcally Parfon's violently de-
*^ taining from him his Wife. This Speech was
*' reported to the good Parfon, and gave him an
^^ Handle to double the poor Man^s Injury, by
^' accufing him to the Inquifitors, as having a
■* falfe Opinion concerning Purgatory. And
-" this the holy Tribunal thought more worthy
*^ of Punifhment than the Parfon's Wickednefs-
*' The poor Wretch was taken up for this trifling
'^ Speech, kept in the Inquifitors Jail for two
'^ whole Years, and at length being brought in
Proceflion, was condemned to wear the Sam--
benito for three Years in a private Jail ^ and
when they were expired, to be difmiflfed, or
^* kept longer in Prifon, as the Lords Inqui-
*' ficors (hould think fit. Neither did they fpare
^^ the poor Creature any thing of his little Sub-
" ftance, tho* they did his Wife to the Parfon,
^' but adjudged all the Remains of what he had
*' after his long Imprifonment to the Exchequer
of the Inquifinon.

" In the fame Procefllon there was alfo brought
*^ forth a reputable Citizen of Seville^ as being
*^ fufpefted of Lutheramfm^ without his Cloak and
*' his Hat, and carrying a Wax Taper in his
^^ Hand, after having exhaufted his Purfe of loo
*' Ducats towards riie Expences of the holy Tri-
*' bunal, and a Year's Imprifonment in the Jail
^- of the Inquificion, nnd having abjured as one
*^' vehemently fufpeded ; only becaufe he was
^^ found to have faid, that thofe immoderate Ex-
?* pences Cand on thefe Accounts the Spaniards
^^ are prodigioufly extravagant) which were laid

<c
cc

€C

The History of Persecution. 25^.

'^ out in erefling thofe large Paper or Linnen
Buildings, which the common People corruptly
call Monuments, to the Honour o£ Chrift now
in Heaven, upon Holy T*hurfday ; and alfo thofe
which were expended on the Feftival of Corpus
Chrifli^ would be more accep cable to God, if
they were laid out upon poor Perfons, or ia
placing out to good Perfons poor Orphan Girls.
Two young Students added to the Number inp« i9<5-
that Proceiiion. One becaufe he had written
*^ in his Pocket-Book fome Verfes made by a
namelefs Author, fo artificially, as that the
fame Words might be interpreted fo as to con-
tain the higheft Commendation of, or Re-
fledion upon Luther. Upon this Account
only, after two Years Imprifonment, he was
brought forth in Proceffion, without his Hat
*^ and Cloak, carrying a Wax-Taper ; after
which he was banifhed for three Years from
the whole Country of Seville^ made to abjure
as lightly fufpeded, and puniflied with a Fine.
The other underwenc the fame Cenlure, only
for tranfcribing the Verfes for their artful
Compofition^ excepting ij^nly that he commu-
ted his Banifhment for 100 Ducats towards
*' the Expences of the holy Tribunal/'

If any one informed againft confefles on Oath
his Herefy, but declares that he will abjure and
return to the Church, he muft publickly abjure
in the Church before all the People. There is
placed before him the Book of the Gofpels ,• he
puts off his Hat, falls on his Knees, and putting
hi-s Hand on the Book, reads his Abjuration,
And from this none, tho' orherwife privileged,
are excepted. After this Abjuration they are
abfolved from Excommunication, and reconciled
to the Church i but are injoined various Puni(h-

ments.

Tte History e?/ Persecution.

ments, or wholefome Penances by the Inqui {iters
at pleafure. What the Puniflhirfents of religious
Perfons are, may be feen from the two following
Inftances.

Friar Marcel/us de Pratis^ a Religious of the
Order of the Minors^ was condemned in Sicily
by the Inquilition (becaufe he had rafiiiy feigned
himlelf a S^aint, impeccable, confirmed in Grace,
and had pronounced other fcandalous and ra(h
Propofttions) to the Gallies for three Years, to
be banifbed for two more into fuch a Convent of
his own Religion as (hould be afligned him, with
this Addition ,' that he (hould faft every Friday
on Bread and Water, eat upon the Ground in
the Refeftory, walk without his Hat, and (it in
the loweft Place in the Choir and Refeftory, and
be perpetually deprived of his adivc and paflive
Vote, and of the Faculty of hearing any Perfons
Confe(fions whatfoever.

- ^ One Mary of the Annunciation, Priorefs of
the Monaftery of the Annunciation at Li^horiy a
Maid of 32 Years old, had pretended that the
Wounds of Chri(^*, by the fpecial Grace and Pri-
vilege of God were imprinted on her, and (hewed
32 Wounds made on her Head, reprefenting the
Marks of thofe which were made by our Saviour's
Crowd of Thorns, and Blood fprinkled on her
Hands like a Rofe, the Middle of which was like
a Triangle, and (hewed the Holes of the Nails
narrower on one Side than the other. The fame
were to be feen in her Feet. H6r Side appeared
as tho* it had been laid open by the Blow of 4
Lance. When all thefe Thi'ngs were openly
(hewn, it was wonderfiil to fee how they raifed
the Admiration and Devotion of ferious and hbly
Men, and withal furprized and deceived theini*;
for fhe did not fuffer thofe pretended Wounds

The His'ToRY vf Persecution. i^^

to be feen otherwife than by Command of her
Confeflbr. And that abfent Perfons might have
a greac Veneration for her, (he affirmed, that
on Thurfdays flic put into the Wounds a fmall
Cloth, which received the Impreffion of five
Wounds in Form of a Crofs, that in the Middle
being the largeft. Upon which thefe Cloths were
fent, with the greareft Veneration, thro' the in-^
finite Devotion of the Faithful, to the Pope, and
to almoft all the moft venerable and religious
Perfons of the whole World. And as Paramus
then had the Adminiftration of the Caufes of
Faith in the Kingdom of Sicilyy he faw feveral of
thofe Cloths, and the Pidure of that Woman
drawn to the Life^ and a Book written by a
Perfon of great Authority concerning her Life,
Sanflity, and Miracles, Yea, Pope Gr^^ory XIII.
himfelf determined to write Letters to that wretched
Creature, to exhort her thereby to perfift witb
Conftancy in her Courfe, and to perfe^S: what (he
hrid begun. At laft the Impofture was found out,
that the Marks of the Wounds were not real,
but made with red Lead; and that the Woman*:^
Defign was, when (he had gained Authority and
Credit enough, by her pretended Sandity, to
recover the Kingdom of Portugal to its former
State, ivhich had legally fallen under the Power
of Philip 11. Upon this the following Sentence
was pronounced againft her by the Inquifitors of
Lisbon^ December 8. An. 1588. Firft, (lie was
commanded to pafs the refl of her Life (hut up
in a Convent of another Order, that was affigned
to her, without the City oi Lisbon. Likewife,
that from the Day of pronouncing the Sentence,
(he (hould not receive the Sacrament of the Eu-*
charift for the Space of five Years, three Ectflers^
and the Hour of Death excepted; or unlefs it

were

Tthe History of PERSEcuTioisr.

were neceflary to obtain any Jubilee, that (hould
in the mean while be granted by the Pope. Like-
wife, that on all IVednefdays and Fridays of the
whole Year, when the religious Women of that
Convent held a Chapter, (he (hould be whipped,
whilft tlie Pfalm, Have Mercy on me, O God, was
reciting. Likewife,' that (he (hould not fit down
at Table at the Time of Refrefhmenc, but (hould
eat publickly on the Pavement, all being for-
bidden to eat any Thing (he left. She was alfo
obliged to throw her felf down at the Door of the
Refeftory, that the Nuns might tread on her as
they came in and went out. Likewife, that (he
(hould perpetually obferve the Ecclefiaftlcal Faft,
and never more be created an Abbefs, nor be
chofen to any other Office in the Convent ivhere
(he had dwelt, and that (he (hould be always
fubjeft to the loweft of them alL Likewife, that
(he (hould never be allowed to converfe with
any Nun without Leave of the Abbefs. Like*
wife, that all the Rags marked with Drops of
Blood, which (he had given out, her fpurious
Relicks, and her Effigies defcribing her, (hould
be every where delivered to the holy Inquifition ;
or if in any Place there was no Tribunal of the
Inquifition, to the Prelate, or any other Perfon
appointed. Likewife, that (he (hould never gover
her Head with the facred Veil ; and that every
Wednefday and Friday of the whole Year (he (hould
abftain from Meat,, and live only on Bread and
Water ; and that as often as (he came into the
Refeftory, (he (hould pronounce her Crime with
a loud Voice in the Prefence of all the Nuns.

Michael Piedrola alfo took upon himielf for
many Years the Name of a Prophet, boafted of
Dreams and Revelations, and affirmed they were
revealed to him by a divine Voice. Being can^-

vifled

The History of PersecuIi^ion. 2S7,

vifted of fo great a Crime, he abjured de levi\
was for ever forbid the reading of the Bible, and
other holy Books, deprived of Paper and Ink^
prohibited from writing or receiving Letters^
unlefs fuch only as related to his private Affairs i ^
denied the Liberty of difputing about the holy
Scripture, as well in Writing as in Difcourfe;
and finally, commanded to be thrown into Jail^
and there pais the Remainder of his Life.

Another Punifhment of Hereticks who abjure,
is the Confifcation of all their Effeds. And this
Confifcation is made with fuch Rigour, that the ,
Inquificion orders the Exchequer to feize on not
only the Effeds of the Perfons condemned, buc
alfo ail others adminiftred by them, akho' it evi-
dently appears that they belong to others. The
Inquifition at Seville gives a remarkable Ihftance
of this Kind-

*^ Nicholas BurtoHy an Englijbman^ a Perfcn re-

'^ markable for his Piety, was apprehended by

*^ the Inquifition of Seville^ and afterwards burnt

for his immoveable Perfeverance in the Con-

*' feflion of his Faith, and Deteftation of their

*' Impiety. When he was firft feized, all his '

** EffeQs and Merchandizes, upon account o£

*^ which he came to Spain^ were, according to the

Cuftom of the Inqaifi ion, fequeftred. Amongft

^^ thefe were many other Merchandizes, whidi

were configned to him as Fa6i:or, according to

the Cuftom of Merchants, by another Englijb

Merchant dwelling in London. This Merchant,

upon hearing that his Faftor was imprifoned,

and his Effects feized on, fent one John Frontom^

as his Attorney, into Spaiuy with proper In-

ftruments to recover his Goods. His Attorney

accordingly went to Seville i and having laid

" before the holy Tribunal the Inftruments, and

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all other neceflkry Writings, demanded that
the Goods fliould be delivered to him. The
Lords anfwered, that the Affair muft be ma-
naged in Writing, and that he muftchufe him-
felf an Advocate ^undoubtedly to prolong the
Suit) and out of their great Goodnefs ap-

€i
U

pointed him one, to draw up for him his Pe-
titions, and all other Inftruments which were

to be offerM to the holy Tribunal; for every
otie of which they exorbitantly took from him
' eight Reals, altho' he received no more Ad-
vantage from them, than if they had never
been drawn at all. Frontom waited for three or
four whole Months, twice every Day, viz*, in
the Morning, and after Dinner, at the Gates
of the Inquifitor's Palace, praying and befeech-
ing, on his bended Knees, the Lords Inqui-
fitors, that his Affair might be expedited i and
efpecially the Lord Bilhop of Tanaco^ who was
then chief Inquifitor at Seville^ that he, in Vir-
tue of his fupreme Authority, would command
*^ his Effeds to be reftored to him. But the Prey
was too large and rich to be eafily recovered.
*^ After he had fpent four whT)le Months in fruit-
less Prayers and Intreaties, he was anfwered,
that there was need of fome other Writings
from England^' more ample than thofe he had
** brought before, in order to the Recovery of
** the Effefts. Upon this the Englijhman imme-f
*^ diately returns to London^ and procures the
^^ Inftruments of fuller Credit which they de*
*^ manded, comes back with them to Seville^ and
laid them before the holy Tribunal. The Lords
put off his Anfwer, pretending they were hin-
dered by more important Affairs. They re-
*^ peated this Anfwer to him every Day, and fo
^^ put him off for four whole Months longer.

i! Whea

The History ^Persecution.

*^ When his Money was almoft fpent, and he
" ftill continued earneftly to prefs the Difpatch
*^ of his Affair^ they referred him to the Bifliop.
*' The Biftiop, when confulted, faid he was but
^^ one, and that the expediting the Matter be-
^' longed alfo to the other Inquifitors ,' and by thus
" Ihjfting the Fault from one to the other, there
was no Appearance of an End of the Suit. But
at length being overcome by his Importunity^
they fixed on a certain Day to difpatch him*
And the Difpatch was this : The Licentiate
Gafcus, one of the Inquifitors, a Man well
skiird in the Frauds of the Inquifition, com^
mands him to come to him after Dinner. The
EngUfhman was pieafed with this Meflage, and
went to him about Evening, believing that
they began to think in good Earneft of reftoring
him his Effeds, and carrying him to Mr. Burton
the Prifoner, in order to make up the Ac-
count,- having heard the Inquifitors often fay,
tho' he did not know their real Meaning, that
it was neceffary that he and the Prifoner Ihould
confer together. When he came, they com-
manded the Jail-Keeper to clap him up in fuch
a particular Prifon, which they named to him.
The poor EngUfhman believed at firft that he
was to be brought to Burton to fettle the Ac-
count; but foon found himfelf a Prifoner in
a dark Dungeon, contrary to his Expeftation,
and that he had quite miftaken the Matter.
After three or four Days they brought him
to an Audience ; and when the EngUjhman de-
manded that the Inquifitors (hould reftore his
Effeds to him, they well knowing that it would
agree perfedly with their ufual Arts, without
any other Preface, command him to recite his
Ave Mary. He fimply repeated it after this
S z " Manner i

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26o The History of Persecution.

^^ Manner : Hail, Mary, full of Grace, the Lord
is with thee ; bleffed art thou among ft Women ^ and
** bleffed is Jefus the Fruit of thy Womb. Amen.
** All was taken down in Writing, and without
'* tnentioning a Word about the reftoring his
*^ Eflfecls (for there was no need of it) they
*^ commanded him back to his Jail, and com-
'* menced an Adion againft him for an Heretick,
*V becaufe he had not repeated the Ave Mary ac-*
'^ cording to the Manner of the Church of Rome^
'^ and had left off in a fufpeded Place, and ought
*' to have added^ Holy Mary, Mother of God, pray
^' for us Sinners ; by omitting which Conclufion,
^^ he plainly difcoverM that he did not approve
'* the Intcrceffion of the Saints. And thus at
" laft, upon this righteous Pretence, he was de-
^^ tained a Prifoner many Days. After this he
was brought forth in Proceflion, wearing an
Habit; all his Principal's Goods for which
he had been fuing being confifcated, and he
** himfelf condemned fo a Year's Imprifonment/'
Befides this Confifcation of Effefts, they in join
them wholefome Penances ; fuch as Faftings, Pray-
ers, Alms, the frequent Ufe of the Sacraments of
Penance, and theEuchariftj and, finally. Pilgri-
mages to certain Places.

Some Penances are honorary, attended with
Infamy to thofe who do them. Such are, walking
in Proceflion without Shoes, in their Breeches
and Shirt, and to receive therein publick Dif-
cipline by the Biftiop or Prieft; to be expelled
the Church, and to fland before the Gates of the
great Church upon folemn Days, in the Time of
Mafs, with naked Feet, and wearing upon their
Cloak an Halter about their Neck. At this Time
they only ftand before the Gates of the Church,
with a lighted Candle in their Hand, during the

Time

C€

The History ^/^ Persecution. 261

Time of folemn Mafs on feme holy Day, as the
Bell is ringing to Church.

Befides thefe, they now ufe the Puniftiment
of Banilhment, of beating and whipping with
Scourges, or Rods. Sometimes they are con-
demned to Fines, excluded as infamous from all
publick Offices, prohibited from wearing Silver
or Gold, precious Garments and Ornaments,
and from riding on Horfes or Mules with Trap-
pings, as Nobles do.

But the moft ufual Puniftiment of all, is their
wearing Croffes upon their penitential Garments,
which is now frequently injoined Penitents ia
Spain and Portugal. And this is far from being
a fmall Puniftiment; becaufe fuch Perfons are
expofed to the Scoffs and Infulcs of all, which
they are obh'ged to fwallow, the' the moft cruel-
in themfelves, and offered by the vileft of Man-
kind; for by thefe Croffes they are marked to
all Perfons for Herefy, or, as it is now in Spain
and Portugal^ for Judaifm : And being thus mark-
ed, they are avoided by all, and are almoft ex-
cluded from all human Society.

This Garment was formerly of a black and
bluilh Colour, like a Monk's Cloak, made with-^
out a Cowl, and the Crofles put on them were
ftrait, having ope Arm long, and the other a-^
crofs, after this Manner +. Sometimes, accord^
ing to the Heinoufnefs of the Offence, there
were two Arms a-crofs, after this Manner +•
But now in Spain this Garment is of a yellow
Colour, and the Croffes put on it are oblique,
afcer the Manner of St. Andreius Crofs, in this
Form X, and are of a red Colour. This Cloak the
Italians call Abitello^ the Spaniards Sant Benito, as
tho' it was Sacco Benito, i. e. the blefled Sack^
cloth, becaufe it is fit for Penance, by which we

S 5 are

^e Hist^]^:^\Persecution.

are bleffed and faved. But Simancas fays^ 'tig
the Garment of St. BenediB.

Finally, the moft grievous Puniftiment is the
being condemoed to perpetual Imprifonment,
there to do wholefome Penance with the Bread
of Grief, and the Water of Affliftion. This is
ufually injoined on the Believers of Hereticks,
and fuch as are difficultly brought to Repen- ^
tance; or who have a long while denied the 1
Truth during the Trial, or have perjured them- ' ^
felves.

Befides this Condemnation to perpetual Im-
prifonment, fuch Perfons are alfo injoined other
Penances, viz,. Sometimes to ftand in the Habit
marked with the Crois at the Door of fuch a
Church, fuch a Time, and fo long, viz,, on the
four principal Feftivals of the glorious Virgin
Mary^ of fuch a Church ; or on fuch and fuch
Feftivals, at the Gates of fuch and fuch Churches.
Sometimes before they are (hut up in Prifon they
are publickly expofed, viz,* being cloathed with
the Habit of the Crolfes, they are placed upon
an high Ladder in the Gate of fome Church, that
they may be plainly feen by all ; where they
muft ftand tin Binncr-time .; after which they
muft be carried, cloathed in the fame Habit, to
the fame Place, at the firft Ringing to Vefpers,
and there ftand till Sun-fet ; and thefe Spedacles
are ufually repeated on feveral Sundays and Fefti-
vals in feveral Churches, which are particularly
fpecified in their Sentence. But if they break
Prifon, or do not otherwife fulfil the Penances
injoined rhem, they are condemned as Impeni-
tents, and as under the Guilt of their former
Crimes; and if they fall again into the Hands of
the Inquifitors, they are delivered over as Impe-
nitents to the fecular Court, unlefs they humbly

ask

7he History of Persecution. zSy

ask Pardon, and profefs that they will obey the
Commands of the Inquifitors.

However, if Perfons remain impenitent till
after Sentence is pronounced, there is no farther
Place for Pardon. And yet there is one Inftance
of Stephana de Proaudo^ extant in the Book of the
Sentences of the Tholoufe Inquifition, who, being
judged an Herecick the Day before, and left as
an Heretick to the fecular Court (from whence
it appears that it was not then ufual for thofe
who were left to the fecular Court to be burnjC
the fame Day on which the Sentence is pro-
nounced, as is now pradifed in Spain and Por-
tugal) feeing on the following Day, viz. Monday,
that the Fire in which (he was to be burnt wa$
made ready, faid, on that very Day, that ihe
was willing to be converted to the Catholick
Faith, and to return to the Ecclefiaftical Unity*
And when ^was doubted whether (he fpoke this
feignedly or fincerely, or thro^ fear of Death,
and was anfwered, that the Time of Mercy was
elapfed, and that (he fhould think of the Salvation
of her Soul, and fully difcover whatfoever flie
knew of her felf or others concerning the Fa&
of Herefy, which (he promifed to fay and do,
and that (he would die in the Faith of the holy
Church of Rome ; upon this the Inquifitor and
Vicars of the Bi(hop of Tholoufe called a Council
on the following Tuefday^ and at length it was
concluded, that on the foUowing Sunday (he (liould
confefs the Faith of the Church of Rome^ recant
her Errors, and be carried back to Prifon, where
it would be proved whether her Converfion was
real or pretended^ and fo ftridly kept, that (he
might not be able to infed others with her Errors.
Eymerick alfo gives us an In(tance at Barcelona in n. 104.
Catalonia^ of three Hereticks impenitent, but not

S 4 relapfed.

164 ^he History of Persecution.

relapfed, who were delivered over to the feculaj?
Arm. And when one of them, who was a Prieft,
was put in the Fire, and one of his Sides fome-
whac burnt, he cried to be taken out of it, be-
caufe he would abjure and repent. And he was
taken out accordingly. But he was afterwards
found always to have continued in his Herefy,
and to have infefted many, and would not be
converted ; and was therefore turned over again,
as impenitent and relapfed^ to the fecular Arm,
and burnt.

The Author of the Hiftory of the Inquifition
3^» at Goa^ gives us another Inftance of a very rich
new Chriftian, whofe Name was Lewis Pez,oa,
who, with his whole Family, had been accufed
of fecret Judaifm, by fome of his Enemies ; and
who, with his Wife, two Sons and one Daughter,
and fome other Relations that lived with him,
were all thrown into the Jail of the Inquifition.
He denied the Crime of which he was accufed,
and well refuted it ,• and demanded that the Wit-
nefles who had depofed againft him might be dif-
covered to him, that he might convift them of
Fallhood. But he could obtain nothing, and was
condemned as a Negative, to be delivered over
to the Arm of the fecular Court ; which Sentence
was made known to him fifteen Days before it
was pronounced. The Duke of Cadaval, an in-
timate Friend of the Duke d^A^ueira^ Inquifitor
General, had made ftrift Inquiry how his Affair
was like to turn. And underftanding by the In-
quifitor General, that unlefs he confefTed before
his going out of Prifon he could not efcape the
Fire, becaufe he had been legally convicted, he
continued to intreat the Inquifitor General, till
he had obtained a Promife from him, that if he
could perfuade Pezoa io confefs, even after Sen-
tence

^he History ^ PersecittioM, 26r

tence pronounced, and his Proceffion in the Ad
of Faith, he (hould not die, tho' it was contrary
to the Laws and Cuftom of an AGt of Faith.
Upon that folemn Day therefore, on which the ^
ASt of Faith was to be held, he went with fome
of his own Friends, and fome that were Pez»oa\
to the Gate of the Inquifition, to prevail with
him, if poffible, to confefs. Hp came out in the
Proceffion, wearing the infamous Samarre, and
on his Head the Caroch, or infamous Mitre.
His Friends, with many Tears, befought him ia
the Name of the Duke de Cadavaly and by all
that was dear to him, that he would preferve his
Life; and intimated to him, that if he would
confefs and repent, the feid Duke had obtained
his Life from the Inquifitor Gjeneral, and would
give ht'm more than he had loft. But all in vain;
jP^z-o^ continually protefting himfelf innocent, and
that the Crime it felf was falfly invented by his
Enemies, who fought his Deflruciion. When
the Proceffion was ended, and the A<ft of Faith
almoft finiftied, the Sentences of thofe who were
condemned to certain Penances having been read,
and on the Approach of Evening the Sentence^
of thofe who were to be delivered over to th^
fecular Court being begun to be read, his Friends
repeated their Intreaties, by which at laft they
overcame his Conftancy i fo that defiring an Au-
dience, and rifing up, that he might be heard,
he faid. Come then, let us go and confefs the Crimes
I am falfiy accufed of^ and thereby gratify the Dejires
of my Friends. And having confefled his Crime,
he was remanded to Jail. Two Years after he
was fent to Evora, and in the Att of Faith walked
In Proceffion wearing the Samarre, on which was
painted the Fire inverted, according to the ufual
Cuftom^ of the Portuguese Inquifition j and after

fivQ

The History oJ Persecution^

five Years more that he was detained in the Jail
of the Inquifition, he was condemned to the Gal-
lies for five Years.

If the Perfon accufed is found a Relapfe by his
own Confeflion, he can't efcape Death, even tho'
he is penitent. If he be in Holy Orders, he is
firft degraded. After Sentence is pronounced
againft him, he is delivered to the fecular Arm,
with this Claufe added to his Sentence by the
Inquificors : Neverthelefsy we earneftly befeech the
faid fecular Arm^ that he will moderate his Sentence
againft you, fo as to prevent the Effufion of Bloody
cr Danger of Death: Thus adding Hypocrify and
Infult to their devilifh Barbarity.

If the Perfon accufed be an impenitent Here-
tick, but not relapfed, he is kept in Chains in
clofe Imprifonment, that he may not efcape, or
infed others ,* and in the mean while all Methods
muft be ufed for his Converfion. They fend
Clergymen to inftruft him, and to put him in
mind of the Pains of Hell-fire. If this won't do,
they keep him in Chains for an Year or more,
in a clofe, hard Jail, that his Conftancy may be
overcome by the Mifery of his Imprifonment.
If this doth not move him, they ufe him in a
little kinder Manner, and promife him Mercy if
he will repent. If they can't thus prevail with
him, they fuffer his Wife and Children, and
little ones, and his other Relations, to come to
him, and break his Conftancy. But if after all
he perfifts in his Herefy, he is burnt alive.

If the Perfon accufed be found guilty of Herefy
by the Evidence of the Fad, or legal Witneffes,
and yet doth not confefs, but perfifts in the Ne-
gative ; after having been kept in Jail for a Year,
he muft be delivered over to the fecular Arm*
So that if it (hould happen that he is accufed by

, falfa

^he HrsToi^Y of Persecution. ^67

falfe Witneflfes, and is really innocent, the "mi-
ferable Wrerch, tho' falfly condemned, is deli-
vered to the Power of the fecular Court, to be
burnt alive ,• nor is it lawful for him, without
the Commiflion of mortal Sin, as the Roh^^ n
Dodors think, to fave his Life, by falfly con-
feffing a Crime he hath not committed 1 and
therefore 'tis the Duty of the Divines and Confef-
fors, who comfort fuch a Negative, and attend on
him to his Punilhment, to perfuade him todifcover
the Truth y but to caution him by all Means not to
acknowledge a Crime he hath not committed, te
avoid temporal Death ; and to put him in Re-
membrance, that if he patiently endures this
Injury and Punifliment, he will be crowned as
a Martyr.

^Tis however evident, if the Praftice of the
Portugal Inquifition be confidered, that the In-
quifitors are not fo very folicitous about the
eternal Salvation of thofe they condemn, as they
are to confult their own Honour by the Criminals
Confeffions everf of falfe Crimes. Of this we
have a remarkable Inftance, of a noble Portugueze^
defcended from the Race of the new Chriftians,
who was accufed of Judaifm. But as he did moft
firmly deny the Crime objeded to him, nothing
was omitted that might perfuade him to a Con-
feffion of it; for he was not only promifed his
Life, but the Reftitution of all his Effeds, if he
would confcfs, and threatned with a cruel Death
if he perfifted in the Negative. But when all
this was to no purpofe, the Inquifitor General,
who had fome Refpeft for him, endeavoured to
overcome his Conftancy by Wheedling, and other
Arguments ; but when he conftantly refufed to
confefs himfelf guilty of a Crime he had not
committed, the Inquifitor General being at laft

provoked

268 The History of Persecution.

provoked by his Firmnefs, faid. What then do you
mean ? Do you think that ive will fuffer our f elves to
be charged with a Lye ? And having faid this,
he went off. When the Ad of Faith drew near,
the Sentence of Death was pronounced againft
him, and a Confeffor allowed him to prepare him
for Death. But at laft he funk under the Fear
of his approaching dreadful Punifliment, and by
confeffing on the very Day of the Ad of Faith
the Crime falfly fattened on him, he efcaped
Death j but all his Eftate was confifcated, and
he himfelf condemned for five Years to the
Gallies.

If the Perfon accufed is a Fugicive, after wait-
ing for his Appearance a competent Time, he is
cited to appear on fuch a Day in the Cathedral
of fuch a Diocefe, and the Citation fixed on the
Gates of the Church. If he doth not appear,
he is complained of for Contumacy, and accufed
in Form. When this is done, and the Crime
appears, Sentence is pronounced^againft the Cri-
minal; and if the Information againft him be for
Herefy, he is declared an obftinate Heretick, and
left as fuch to the fecular Arm, This Sentence
is pronounced before all the Peopie, ind the
Statue or Image of the abfent Penan publickly
produced, and carried in Proceffion; on which
is a Superfcription, containin^^ his Name and
Surname; which Statue is delivered to the fe-
cular Power, and by him burnt. Thus Luthe/s
Statue was burnt, together with his Books, at
the Command of Pope Leo X. by the Bifhop of
Afcoli' .

The Inqulfitors alfo proceed againft the Dead.
If there be full Proof againft him of having been
an Heretick, his Memory is declared infamous,
and his Heirs, and other Poffeflbrs, deprived of

his

ne History of Persecution. 269

his Effeds ; and finally, his Bones dug out o£
their Grave, and publickly burnt. Thus lVick->
liff^s Body and Bones were ordered to be dug
up and burnt, by the Council of Conftance: Bucer
and FagiuSy by Cardinal Pool^ at Cambridge ; and
the Wife of Peter Martyr^ by Brookes Bifliop of
Glocefter, at Oxford; whofe Body they buried in
a Dunghill. And thus Mark Antony de Dominis^
Archbiftiop of Spalato^ was condemned after his
Death for Herefy ; apd the Inquifitors agreed
that the fame Puniftiments fliould be executed
upon his dead Body, as would have been on him-
felf had he been alive.

Having taken tliis Refolution, the t\yenty-firft
Day of December y"" An, 162^, was appointed for
the pronouncing Sentence. Early in the Morn-
ing of ir, fo vaft a Multitude had got together to
St. Mary fupra Minervam^ where they generally
give thefe religious Shews, that they were forced
not only to (hut up, but to guard the Gates with
armed Men ; and the great Area before the
Church was fo prodigioufly thronged, that there
was fcarce Room for the Cardinals themfelves to
pafs. The middle Me of the Church, from the
firft to the fourth Pillar, was boarded in, with
Boards above the Height of a tall Man. At the
upper and lower End of it there were Gates,
guarded by Switz>ers. On each Side there were
Scaffolds, running the whole Length of the In-
clofure; in which were Seats for the Cardinals
and other Prelates, and other Conveniencies, to
receive the Courtiers and other Noblemen ftand-
ing or fitting. On the right Hand, coming in,
the facred Council prefided ; on the lefc Hand
were placed the inferior Officers of the holy
Inquifition, the Governor of the City, and his
Officials. Before the Pulpit was to be feen the

Pidure

zjo ^he History of Persecution.

Pifliure of Marl. Anthony^ drawn in Colours, co-
vered with a black common Garment, holding
a Clergyman^s Cap in his Hand, with his Name,
Surname, and Archiepifcopal Dignity, which for-
merly he had borne, infcribed upon it, together
with a wooden Cheft bedaubed with Pitch, in
which the dead Body was inclofed. The reft of
the Church was filled with Citizens, and a great
many Foreigners ; the Number of whom was at
that Time larger, becaufc the Jubilee that was at
hand had brought them from all Parts to the
City, that they might be prefent at the opening
the facred Gates.

Things being thus difpofed, a certain Parfon
mounted the Pulpit, and with a ihrill Voice,
which rung through all the Parts of the fpacious
Church, and in the vulgar Language, that the
common People might underftand him, read over
a Summary of the Procefs, and the Sentence by
which the Cardinals Inquifitors General, fpecially
deputed for the Affair by the Pope, pronounced
Mark Anthony y as a Relapfe into Herefy, to have
incurred all the Cenfures and Penalties appointed
to relapfed Hereticks by the facred Canons, and
Papal Conftitutions ; and declared him to be
deprived of all Honours, Prerogatives, and Ec-
clefiaftical Dignities, condemned his Memory,
and caft him out of the Ecclefiaftical Court, de-
livered over his dead Body and Effigies into the
Power of the Governor of the City, that he might
inflift on it the Punifhment due, according to the
Rule and Pradice of the Church. And finally,
they commanded his impious and heretical Wri-
tings to be publickly burnt, and declared all his
Effefts to be forfeited to the Exchequer of the
holy Inquifition. After this Sentence was read,
the Governor of the City and his Officers threw

the

^he HisTORT ^Persecution. 271

the Corps, Effigies, and aforefaid Writings into
a Care, and carried them into the Campo Ftore^
a great Multitude of People following after.
When they came there, the dead Body, which
as yet in all its Members was whole and entire,
was raifed out of the Cheft as far as the Bottom
of the Breaft, and (hewn from on high to the vaft
Concourfe of People that flood round about,' and
was afterwards, with the Effigies and Bundle o£
his Books, thrown into the Pile prepared for the
Purpofe, and there burnt.

And finally, in order to beget in the common
People a greater Abhorrence of the Crime of He-
refy, they ufually pull down and level with the
Ground the Houfes or Dwellings in which He-
jeticks hold their Conventicles, the Ground oa
which they flood being fprinkled over with Salt,
and certain Curfes and Imprecations uttered
over it. And that there may be a perpetual Mo-
nument of its Infamy, a Pillar or Stone, four or
five Feet high, is ereded in the faid Ground,
with large Gharaders on it, containing the Name
and Owner of the Houfe, (hewing the Reafon of
its Demolition, and the Reign of what Pope, Em-^
peror or King, the Matter was tranfaded.

The whole of this horrid Affair is concluded
by what they call an AEi of Faith ,• which is per-
formed after this Manner. When the Inqui-
fitor is determined to pronounce the Sentences
of certain Criminals, he fixes on fome LordVday
or Feftival to perform this Solemnity. But they
take care that it be not Advent Sunday^ or in
Lent^ or a very folemn Day, fuch as the Nati^
n)ity of our Lord, EafleVy and the like; becaufe ^tis
not decent that the Sermons on thofe Days (hould
be fufpended, but that every one fliould go to
his own Pariih-Church* A certain Sunday or Fe-
z ftival

272 ^he History e?/ Persecution.

ftival therefore being appointed, the Parfons of
all the Churches of that Ciry or Place, in which
this Solemnity is to be performed, doj by Com-
mand of the Bilhop and Inquifitor, when they
have done preaching, publickly intimate to the
Clergy and People^ that the Inquifitor will, in
fuch a Church, hold a general Sermon concern-
ing the Faith ; and they promife, in the Name
of the Pope, the ufual Indulgence of forty Days,
to all who will come and fee, and hear the Things
which are there to be tranfafted. They take
care to give the fariie Notice in the Houfes of
thofe Religious, who commonly preach the Word
of God ; and that their Superiors (hould be told,
that becaufe the Inquifitor will in fuch a Church
make a general Sermon concerning the Faith>
therefore he fufpends all other Sermons, that
every Superior may fend four or two Friars, as
he thinks fit, to be prefent at the Sermon, and
the pronouncing the Sentences. This Solemnity
was formerly called, A general Sermon concerning
the Faith '^ but *tis now called, An A£i of Faith,
And in this, great Numbers of Perfons, fome-
times one or two hundred, are brought forth in
publick Proceflion to various Kinds of Penances
and Puniftiments, all wearing the moft horrible
Habits. They chufe Feftivals for this Solemnity,
becaufe then there is a greater Confluence of
People gathered together to fee the Torments
and Punilhments of the Criminals, that from
hence they may learn to fear, and be kept from
the Commiflion of Evil. And indeed, as this A6t
of Faith is now celebrated in Spain and Portugal^
the Solemnity is truly an horrible and tremendous
Speftaclc, in which every Thing is defignedly
made ufe of that may ftjike Terror; for this
Reafon, as they fay, that they may hereby give

fome

The History 5/* Persecution. 273

fome Reprefentation and Image of the future
Judgment.

If any one, whether an impenitent or relapfed
Hereticic, is to be delivered to the fecular Court,
the Bifhop and Inquifitor give Notice to the
principal Magiftrate of the fecular Court, that
he muft come fuch a Day and Hour with his
Attendance to fuch a Street or Place, to receive
a certain Heretick or relapfed Perfon out of their
Court, whom they will deliver to him ; and that
he muft give publick Notice the fame Day, or
the Day before in the Morning, by the Crier,
throughout the City, in all the ufual Places and
Streets, that on fuch a Day agd Hour, and ia
fuch a Place, the Inquifitor will make a Sermoa
for the Faith ,• and that the Biftiop and Inqui-
fitor will condemn a certain Heretick or Relapfe,
by delivering him to the fecular Court.

In moft of the Tribunals of the Inquifition,
efpecially in Spain^ ^tis a remarkable Cuftom they
ufe, viz.. on the Day before the Ads of Faith,
folemnly to carry a Bu(h to the Place of the Fire,
with the Flames of which they arc confumed, who
deferve the Punllhment of being burnt. This is
not without its Myfteries ; for the burning, and
not confuming Bulh, fignifies the indefedible
Splendor of the Church, which burns, and is not
confumed ,• and befides this, it fignifies Mercy
towards the Penitent, and Severity towards the
Froward and Obftinate. And farther, it repre-
fents how the Inquifitors defend the Vineyard
of the Church, wounding with the Thorns of the
Bu(h, and burning up with Flames all who en-
deavour to bring Herefies into the Harveft of
the Lord*s Field. And finally, it points out the
Obftinacy and Frowardnefs of Hereticks, which
muft rather be broken and bent, like a rugged

T and

274 ^^^ History ^Persecution.

?.fid ftubborn Bufh ,* and that as the Thorns and
Prickles of the Bufti tear the Garments of thofe
u'ho pafs by, fo alfo do the Herericks rend the
feamlefs Coat of Chrift.

Befides, the i)ay before the Criminals are
brought out of Jail to the publick Act of Faith,
they part with their Hair and their Beard y by
which the Inquifitors reprefenr, that Hereticks
teturn to that Condition in which they were born,
viz,, becoming the Children of Wrath.

All Things being thus prepared to celebrate
this Aft of Faith, all the Prifoners, on that very
'Day which is appointed for the Celebration of it
are cloathed with that Habit which they muft
wear in the publick ProcefSon. But the Cuftom
in this Matter is not altogether the fame in all
the Inquifitions. In that of Go^, the Jail-Keepers,
about Midnight, go into the Cells of the Pri-
foners, bring in a burning Lamp to each of them,
and a black Garment ftriped with white Lines;
and alfo a Pair of Breeches, which reach down
to their Ankles; both which they order them to
,put on. The black Habit is given them in token
of Grief and Repentance. About two a-Clock
the Keepers return, and carry the Prifoners into
a long Gallery, where they are all placed in a
certain Order againft the Wall, no one of them
being permitted to'fpeak a Word, or mutter, or
move ; fo that they ftand immoveable, like Sta-
tues, nor is there the leaft Motion of any one
of their Members to be feen, except of their
Eyes. All thele are fuch as have confeflTed their
Fault,, and have declared themfelves willing to
return by Penance to the Bofom of the Church
of Rome. To every one of thefe is given a Habit
to put over their black Garment. Penitent He-
reticks, or fuch as axe vehemently fufpefted,

receive

The History ^Persecution. 275

receive the bleffed Sackcloth, commonly called
the Sambenito ; which, as we have before related,
is of a Saffron Colour, and on which there is put
the Crofs of St. Andrew^ of a Red Colour, on the
Back and on the Breaft. Vile and abjed: Perfons
are made to wear the infamous Mitre for more
outragious Blafohemies, which carries in it a Re-
prefencation of Infamy, denoting that they are
as it were Bankrupts of heavenly Riches. The
fame Mitre alfo is put on Polygamifis, who are
hereby (hewn to have joined themfelves to two
Churches 5 and finally, fuch as are convided o£
Magick j but what is fignified hereby as to themj^
I have nor been able to difcover. The otherSj,
whofe Offences are flighcer, have no other Gar-
ment befides the black one. Every one hath
given him an extinguifhed Taper, and a Rope
put about their Neck; which Rope and extin-
guilhed Taper have their Signification, as we
(hall afterwards (hew. The Women are placed
in a feparate~GaI!cxy from the Men, and are
there cloathed with the black Habit, and kept
till they are brought forth in publick Pro-
cefSon.

As tothofe who are defigned for the Fire, viz^l
fuch as have confeffed their Herefy, and are im-
penitent, and Negatives, nj^x*. fuch ivho are con-
victed by a fufficienc Number of Wirneffes, and
yet deny their Crime, and finally fuch as are
relapfed^ they are all carried into a Room fepa-
rate from the others. Their Drefs is different
from that of the others. They are however
cloathed with the Sackcloth, or kind of Mantle,
which fome call the Sambenito^ others the Samarra
or Samaretta. And tho^ it be of the fame Make
as the Sambenito is, yec it hath different Marks,
15 of a black Colour, hath Flames painted on it,

T z and

276 7h£ History of Persecution.

and fomedmes the condemned Heretick himfelf,
painted to the Life, in the midft of the Flames,
Sometimes alfo they paint on it Devils thrufting
the poor Heretick into Hell. Other Things may
alfo be put on it ; and all this is done, that Per-
fons may be deterred from Herefy by this hor-
rible Speftacle.

As to thofe, who after Sentence pronounced,
do at length confefs their Crime, and convert
themfelves, before they go out of Jail, they are,
if not Relapfes, cloathed with the Samarra^
on which the Fire is painted, fending the Flames
downward, which the Portuguez^e call Fogo revolto ;
as though you fhould fay, the Fire inverted.
Befides this, they have Paper Mitres put on them,
made in the Shape of a Cone; on which alfo
Devils and Flames are painted, which the Spa--
ntards and Portuguese call in their Language Ca^
rccha. All of them being thus cloathed, accord-
ing to the Nature of their Crime, are allowed
to fit down on the Ground, waiting for frefti
Orders. Thofe of them who are to be burnt,
are carried into a neighbouring Apartment, where
they have Confeflors always with them, to pre-
pare them for Death, and convert them to the
Faith of the Church oi Rome.

About Four a-Clock the Officers give Bread
and Figs to all of them, that they may fomewhat
fatisfy their Hunger during the Celebration of
the Ad of Faith. About Sun-rifing, the great
Bell of the Cathedral Church tolls; by which,
as the ufual Signal of an Ad of Faith, all Perfons
are gathered together to this miferable Speftacle.
The more reputable and principal Men of the
City meet at the Houfe of the Inquifition, and
are as it were the Sureties of the Criminals, one
of them walking by the Side of each Criminal in

the

////' ' ////// i////v/ fy/ ^/fy. '///y// /A/ ///'// ///> Si Ml in .

'^////',//////^/e//r/fY///^<.'///y///.f////^//.riA Goa . ^ ~77

The History of Persecution. zjy

the Proceffion, which they think is no fmall Ho-
nour to them. Matters being thus prepared,
the Inquifitor places himfelf near the Gate of the
Houfe of the Inquifition, attended by the Notary
of the holy Office. Here he reads over in Order
the Names of all the Criminals; beginning with
thofe whofe Offences are leaft, and ending with
thofe whofe Crimes are greateft. The Criminals
march out each in their Order, with naked Feet,
and wearing the Habit that was put on them in
Jail. As every one goes our, the Notary reads
the Name of his Surety, who walks by his Side
in the Proceflion. The Dominican "Monks march
firft; who have this Honour granted them, be*
caufe Domini ck, the Founder of their Order, was
alfo the Inventor of the Inquifition. The Banner
of the holy Office is carried before them ; in
which the Image of Dominick is curloufly wrought
in Needle-work, holding a Sword in one Hand,
and in the other a Branch of Olive, with thefe
Words, Juftice and Mercy. Then follow the Cri-
minals with their Sureties. When all thofe whofe
Crimes are too flight to be punilhed with Death,
are gone out into Proceflion, then comes the Cru-
cifix ,• after which follow thofe who are led out to
the Punifliment of Death. The Crucifix being in
the midft of thefe, hath its Face turned to thofe
who walk before, to denote the Mercy of the holy
Office to thofe who are faved from the Death they
had deferved ; and the back Part of it to thofe
who come after, to denote that they have no
Grace or Mercy to exped : For all Things in this
Office are myfterious. Finally, they carry out
the Statues of thofe who have died in Herefy,
habited in the Samarra; and alfo the Bones dug
out of the Graves, fliut up in black Chefts, upon

T 3 which

±yS ^e History ^PeHsecution.

which Devils and Flames are painted all oyeri
that they may be burnt to Afiies.

* When tney have thus marched round the
principal Streets of the City, that all may behold
them, they at length enter the Church, where the
Sermon concerning the Faith is to be preached.

* Dr. Geddes gives us the following Account of this Pro-*
ceflion in Portugaly p. 441. " In the Morning of the Day
^* the Pfifoners are all brought into a great Hal), where they
*' have the Habits put on they are to wear in the ProcefTion,'
*^ which begins tp come out of the Inquificion about 9 a-Clock
^ in the Morning.

" The firft in the Prbcefllon are the Domhicansy who carry
*^ the Standalfcl of the Inquificion, which on the one Side
' *^ hath their Founder^ BominicJC^ Pidure, and on the other

*• Side the Crofs, betwixt an Olive-tree and a Sword, with
*^ this Motto, fuptia & M^ferecordia. Next after the Domr-
'^ nicatjs come the Penitents; fonie with Benitoes, and feme
*^ without, according to the Nature of their Crimes. They ,
^^ are all in black 'Coats without Sleeves, and bare- footed,
f^ wjth a Wax-Candle in their Hands, Next coir.e the Pe-
" nitents, who have narrowly efcaped being burnt, who
^^ over their black Coat have Flanacs painted, with their
*^ Points turned downwards, to (ignify their having been
*^ faved, but fa as by Fire. Next come the Negative and
'SRclapfed, that are to be burnt, with Flames upon their
*/' Habit, pointing upward ; and next come thofe who profels
*' Dodrines contrary to the Faith of the Roman Church, and
*^ who, belides Flames on their Habic pointing upward, have
^ their Picture, which'is drawn two or three Days before upoti
*^ their Brcafls, with Dogs, Serpents, and Devils, all with opci^
^ Mouths painted about it.

** Pegtia^ a famous Spanip Inquifitor, calls this Proccfllon,
" JJorrcndHm ac trcmcndum SpcHacidJum , and fo.it is in Truth,
'• there being fomething in the Looks of ail the Prifoners, be-
«^ lides thofe that are to be burnt, that is ghaftly and difcon*
<^ folate, beyond what can be imagined ; and in the Eyes and
c^ Countenances of thofe that are to be burnt, there is fome*
c^ thing that looks fierce and eager.

Th*

ne History of Persecution. 279,

At Goa this is ufually the Church of the Domi^
nicam, and fometimes that of the Francifcans^
The great Altar is covered over with Cloth, upon
which are placed fix filver Candlefticks, with
burning Tapers. On each Side of ic is ereded
fomething like a Throne ; that on the right Hand
for the Inquifitor and his Counfellors ; that on
the left for the Viceroy and his Officers. Over-r
againft the great Altar there is another lelTer
one, on which feveral Miflals are placed; an4
from thence even to the Gate of the Church is
made a long Gallery, three Feet wide, full oC
Seats, in which the Criminals are placed, with
their Sureties, in the Order in which they

*^ The Prifoners that are to be burnt alive, beficfts a Fa-
" miliar, which all the reit have,' have a Jcfuic on each Hand
*' of them, who are continually preaching to them to abjure
" their Herefies ; but if they offer to fpeak any Thing, in De-
5^ fence of the Dodrines they are going to fufFer Death for pro-
^ fe/fing, they are immediately gagged, and not fuffered to
** fpeak a Word more.

" This I faw done to a Prifoner, prefently after he came
*^ out of the Gates of the Inquifition, upon his having looked
*^ up to the Sun, which he had not {^tn before in feveral
" Years, and cried out in a Rapture, How fs it fojjihie for People
'' that behold that glorious Body^ to worfiif) any Being but him
*^ that created it? After the Prifoners comes a Troop of Fa-
^' miliars on Horfeback, and after them the Inquifitors and
^* other Officers of the Court upon Mules; and la(t of all comes
*^ the Jnquifitor General upon a white Horfe, led by two
** Men, with a black Hat, and a green Haiband, and attended
*• by all the Nobles, that arc not employed as Familiars in the
" Proceflion.

** In the Terreiro de Paco, which may be as far from the In-
quifition as Whitehall is from Temple-Bar^ there is a Scaffold
ereded, which may hold two or three thoufand People ;
at the one End (it the Inquifitors, and at the other End the
Prifoners, and in the fame Order as they walked in the
ProceiTion ; thofc that are to be burnt being fcated on the
" highell Benches behind the reft, which may be ten Fecc
^' above the Floor of the Scaffold/'

T 4 enter

"The History of Persecution.

inter the Church i fo that thofe who enter firft,
and have offended leaft, are neareft the Altar.

After this comes in the Inquifitor, furrounded
with his CoIIegues, and places himfelf on the
right Hand Throne ; and then che Viceroy, with
his Attendants, feats himfelf on the Throne on
the left Hand. The Crucifix is put on the Altar
in the midffc of the fix Candlefticks. Then the
Sermon is preached concerning the Faith, and
the Office of the Inquifition. This Honour is
generally given to the Dominicans. The Author
of the Hiftory of the Inquifition at Goa tells us,
that in the A(3: of Faith, in which he walked in
Proceffion, cloathed with the Samhenito^xX\\Q Pro-*^
vincial of the Auguflines preached the Sermon,^
which lafled half an Hour, and treated of the
Inquifition, which he compared to Noah's Ark ;
but faid it was preferable to Noah's Ark in this,
becaufe that the Animals which entered it came
out of it after the Flood with the fame brutal
Nature they carried in; whereas the Inquifition
fo far changes the Perfons who are detained in
it, that though they enter cruel as Wolves, and
fierce as Lions, they come out of it meek as
Lambs.

When the Sermon is ended, two Readers, one
after another, mount the fame Pulpit, and with
a loud Voice publickly read over the Sentences of
all the Criminals, and the Punifhment to which they
are condemned. He whofe Sentence is to be read ^
over, is brought by an Officer into the Middle
of the Gallery, holding an extinguifhed Tape/ in
his Hand, and there flands till his Sentence is
read through ; and becaufe all the Criminals ate
fiippofed to have incurred the greater Excom-
munication, when any one's Sentence is read over,
he is brought to the Foot of the Altar, where,
i upon

^j7te /^^/^/z^z^^9?2. «^^^/? Act of Faidi aSQfii

I'he History ^Persecution. 281

upon his Knees, arid his Hands placed on the
Miffale, he waits till fo many are brought there,
as there are Miflfals upon the Altar. Then the
Reader for fome time defers the reading of the
Sentences; and after he hath admoniftied thofe
who are kneeling at the Altar, that they fhould
recite with him with their Heart and Mouth the
Confeflion of Faith he is to read over to them, he
reads it with a loud Voice ,- and when it is ended,
they all take their former Places. Then the
Reader reads over the Sentences of the reft, and
the fame Order is obferved till all the Sentences
are gone through.

When the Sentences of all thofe, who are freed
from the Punilhment of Death by the Mercy of
the Office, are read through, the Inquifitor rifes
from his Throne, puts on his facred Veftments,
and being attended with about twenty Priefts,
comes down into the Middle of the Church, and
there faying over fome folemn Prayers, which
may be feen f in the Book of the Sentences of
the T'holoufe Inquifition, he abfolves them allfol- i49*
from the Excommunication they were under,
giving each of them a Blow by the Hands of thofe
Priefts who attend him.

Farther, when the Inquifitors abfolve and re-
concile Penitents at an Ad of Faith, they make

f Verfe. tord^ fave thy Men Servants, and thine Handmaids.
Refp. Thofe ^ O my Gody <who trufi in thee,
Verfe. The Lord be with you.
Refp. And with thy Spirit.

Let us pray.

GRanty we lefeech thee^ O Lord, to thefe thy Men Servants,
and thine Handmaids, the worthy Fruit of Penance ; that
they may he rendred innocent in the Sight of thy holy Churchy from
the Integrity of which they have Jirayed thro'' Sin^ by obtaining
the Vardon of their Sins^ thro' Chrifi our Lord* Amen,

ufe

sSa ^^^ HistorV of IPersecution.

ufe of Rods, tp admonifli them, that by Herefy
they have fallen from the Favour of God into
I. a. t. J. his Anger and Fury. Hence Paramus advife$
^ ^^* fuch Penitents to confider, with how great Indul-
gence they are treated, becaufe they are only
whipped on their Shoulders ; that they may go
away, and being mindful of the divine Fury,
may take he^d not to relapfe for the future.
The Rpd alfo points, out the judiciary Power
which thd Inquifitors exereife over impious He-?
recicks, and thofe who are fufpeded of Herefy j
becaufe^a Rod. is the Meafure by which any one^s
Defercs are meafured, and therefore Penitents
are whipped vyith Rods according to the Nature
of their Offence, ^whereby their Faults are weigh-
ed and meafured. Farther, the Inquifitors ufe
Rods, becaufe, as a Rod at the Beginning is in
its Nature flexible, tender and fofr, but at Jaft
hard,, bhint.and ftifF, fo the laquifirors are foft
and tender, whilft Penitents, ofiending through
Frailty and Ignorance, reconcile themfelvesi but
if Hereticks do afterwards fuffer themfelves to
be overcome by Wickednefs, and fall again into
the Crimes they have committed, then they whip
them, and ftrike them feverely, even to the burn-
ing of the Fire. And, finally, they ufe Rods
to eftablifti and fupport the ^iVeak in the Faith;
becaufe Rods are a very apt Inftrument to fup-
port and confirm the Lame and Weak.

The Penitents carry in their Hands extinguiftied
Wax Tapers, whilft the Inquifitors reconcile
them i to intimate, that the Light of the Faith
hath been altogether extipguilhed in their Minds
by the Sin of Herefy and Infidelity. Thefe
Tapers are made of Wax, whereby HeretiCks
profefs (Rifum teneatis) th^t their Hearts have
been fo melted, thro* the Heat of Concupifcence,

Tihe History of Persecution.

as to receive various Sefts; and that as Wax
grows hard by Moifture, but melts by Drynefs
and Warmth, fo they being hardned by the
Moifture of carnal Delights, have remained in
Infidelity, but are melted as^Wax, and converted
by the Drynefs and Heat of Tribulation and Pe-
nance injoined them. And finally, the Cotton of
the Taper, and the Wax of which *tis made, and
the Fire with which 'tis lighted after Abfolution,
fliadow forth that the Hereticks have denied Faith,
Hope, and Charity, But when the Tapers are
lighted after their Reconciliation, this fignifies.
that they profefs they will demonftrate, by the
Light of good Works, the Faith which they have
recovered^

Farther, thofe who are reconciled are fprinkled
with holy Water and HyfTop, in token, that be-
ing brought out of the Power of Darknefs, and
having turned the Ejes of their Minds to the
true Light of the Faith, they are to remain free
from all the Snares and Calumnies of the Devil,
that they may ferve God with greater Freedom.

Farther, he who Itath oflfended againft the Ca-
tholick Faith which he had profefled, hath a
Rope tied round his Neck, to fignify, that the
inward Parts of fuch a Perfon being pofTeffed by
the Crafcmefs of the Devil, have been given to
fuch Sins, of which his outward Parts being tied
with Ropes, give a very evident Sign and Proof.
And tho' they are reconciled after Abjuration of
their Herefy, yet they walk with a Rope tied
about their Necks ; that they may come out as
Wicnedes againft themfelves, and may be Ex-
amples to others, that they may turn their Eyes
ro the inward Spots of the Mind.

During this Adlion, every one of the Pri-
foncrs eats the Bread and Figs in the Church,

which^

284 ^^^ History ^f PersecittionJ

which were given them by the Officers of the
Inquifition in Jail.

When this Ceremony is performed, the In-
quifitor goes back to his Place ,• after which the
Sentences of thofe who are appointed to Death
are read over; the Conclufion of which is, that
the Inquifition can (hew them no Favour, upon
account of their being relapfed, or impenitent,
and that therefore it delivers them over to the
Arm of the fecular Court, which they earneftly
intreat fo to moderate their Puniftiment, as to
prevent the Effufion of Blood, and Danger of
Death. When thofe laft Words are read, one
of the OiEcers of the holy Office gives each of
them a Blow on the Breaft, by which he fignifies
that they are left by the Inquifition ; upon which
one of the Officers of fecular Juflice comes to
them and claims them. If any of them are in
holy Orders, they are degraded, and deprived
of all their Orders, before they are delivered to
the fecular Arm. After this they read the Sen-
tences againft the Dead. At laft thefe miferable
Wretches are brought to the fecular Judge, to
hear the Sentence of Death ; and when they come
before him, they are feverally asked, in what
Religion they defire to die? Their Crime is
never inquired into ; becaufe 'tis not the Office
of the fecular Magiftrate to ask, whether thofe,
who are condemned by the Ihquifition, are cri-^
hiinal? He is to pre-fuppofe them guilty, and
his Duty is to inflid the Puniftiment appointed
by Law upon thofe who commit fuch Crimes, of
which they are pronounced guilty [by the Inqui-
fition. When they have anfwered this one fingle
Queftion, they are foon after tied to a Stake,
round about which there is placed a Pile 4>f Wood.
Thofe who Rnfwer that they will die Cacholicks,

are

Tbe History of Persecution: 285

ftre firft ftrangled,- but thofc who fay they will
die Jews or Hereticks, arc burnt alive *• As
tbefe are leading out to Puniftiment, the reft are
carried back without any Order, by their Sure-
ties, to the Jail o£ the Inquifition. This is the

Celct

* I cannot avoid here giving my Reader a more particular
Account of this Execution from Dr^ Geddes^ who himfelf was
once prcfent at it. His Words are thefe : *^ The Prifbners
*^ are no fboner in the Hands of the Civil Magiflrate, thaa
*^ they are loaded with Chains, before the. Eyti of the Inqui-
« fitors ; and being carried firft ^ to the fecular Jail, are,
*^ within an Hour or two, brought from thence, before the
** Lord Chief Juftice, who, without knowing any thing of
•* their particular Crimes, or of the Evidence that was againft
*' them, asks them, one by one. In nvhat Religion they do in--
** tend to die ? If they anfwer, That they will die in the
*^ Communion of the Church of Rome^ they are condemned by
•' him. To he carried forthwith to the Place of Executiony and
*' there to be jfirft ftrangled^ and afterwards burnt to Afkes.
*^ But if they fay, They will die in the Protefiant, or in any
*^ other Faith that is contrary to the Romnn^ they are then
** fentenced by him. To be carried forthwith to the Place of
5^ Execution^ and there to be burnt alive.

" At the Place of Execution, which at Lisbon is the Rihera^
*^ there are fb many Stakes fee up as there are Prifoners to be
*^ burnt, with a good Quantity of dry Fuz about them.
*' The Stakes of the Profejfed^ as the Inquifitors call them, may
*' be about four Yards high, and have a finall Board, whereoa
" the Prifbner is to be feated, within half a Yard of the Top,
*' The Negative and Relapfed being firft ftrangled and burnt,
" the ProfefTed go up a Ladder, betwixt the two Jefuics, which
" have attended them all Day ; and when they are come
*' even with the foremention'd Board, they turn about to the
" People, and the Jefuits fpend near a quarter of an Hour in
** exhorting the Profejfed to be reconciled to the Church of
*^ Rome ; which, if they refufe to be, the Jefuits come down,
" and the Executioner afcends, and having turned the Profejfed
*^ off the Ladder upon the Seat, and chained their Bodies
*^ clofe to the Stake, he leaves them ; and the Jefuics go up to
" them a fecond Time, to renew their Exhortation to them,
^ and at parting tell them, That they leave them to the Devil,
«« who is /landing at their BJbow to receive their Soi^lsy and

V^ carry

286 ^^^ History ^f Persecution.

Celebration of an Ad of Faith in Portugal; or
rather in that Part of India which is fubjed: to
the Portuguez^e, as a Frenchman hath defcribed it in
his Hiftory of the Inquifition at Goa, who him*
felf walked in Proceffion at an Aft of Faith,
wearing the infamous Samhenito^ and who ac-
curately obferved and defcribed all the Circum-
ftances of it.

The Method of celebrating an A61 of Faith ill
S^ainy is fomewhat different. For whereas at
Goa the Banner, which they carry before the Pro-
ceffion

*^ cany them with him into the Flames of HeU-fre^ fo foon as
^ ** they are out of their Bodies. Upon this a great Shout h

** raifed, and as fbon as the Jefuits are off the Ladders, the
*^ Cry is, Let the Dogs Beards ^ let the Dogs Beards he made;
•' which is done by thriifting flaming Furzes, fattened to
** a long Pole, againft their Faces. And this Inhumanity is
*^ commonly continued until their Faces are burnt to a Coal,
*' and is always accompanied with fuch loud Acclamations of
** Joy, as are not to be heard upon any other Occafion ; a Bull
*^ Feaft, or a Farce, being dull Entertainments, to the ufing
*' a profejfed Heretick thus inhumanly.

'^ The profejfed Beards having been thus made^ or trimm'd, as
^^ they call it in Jollity, Firt is fet to the Furz, which are at
** the Bottom of the Stake, and above which the Profefled are
•* chained fo high, that the Top of the Flame feldom reaches
•^ higher than the Seat they (it on ; and if there happens to be
*^ a Wind, to which that Place is much expofed, it feldom reaches
** fo high as their Knees : So that though, if there be a Calm,
** the Profejfed are commonly dead in about half an Hour after
«^ the Furz is fet on Fire ; yet, if the Weather prove windy,
** they are not after that dead in an Hour and a half, or two
^* Hours, and fo are really roafted, and not burnt to Death.
** But though, out of Hell, there cannot poffibly be a more
•* lamentable Spedacle than this, being joined with the Sufr
*' ferers (fo long as they are able to fpeak) crying out, Mife^-
*^ reardia por amor de DioSy Mercy for the Love of God ; yet it is
•^ beheld by People of both Sexes, and all Ages, with fuch
** Tranfports of Joy and SatisfaCiion, as are not on any other
*' Occafion to be met with.'* Dr. Q^ddei% Trafts, Vol.1,
p. 447, Qp<7. Thij^s far Dr. Geddes,

>Vh$a

The History ^^Persecution, 2^7

ceffion hath the Pifture of Dotninick wrought in it,
Paramus fays, that m Spain the Crofs is the Ban^-
ner of the Inquificion, which is carried before

When Mr, WUcoXy now the prefent Righc Reverend the
Lord Bifhop of Kochefiefy was Minifter to the Bnglifi Faftory
ac Lisbon^ he fent the following Letter to the then Bifhop of
^alisbffry. Dr. Gilbert Burnet^ dated at L/i^ow, yan, 15, 1706.
N. S, which I publifh by hi3 Lordfhip's Allowance and Appro-
bation, and which abundantly confirms the foregoing Account.

My Lord,

IJ^ Obedience to your Lordfiip's Commands^ of the lothult, lhav9
here fent all that was printed concerning tbeJaJi Auto de Fe.
1 faw the ivhoJe Vrocefs^ which was agreeable to what is pub-
lifted by Limborch and others upon that Subje^. Of the Jive
'^Verfons condemned^ there were but four bumf, Anroiiio Ta vanes,
ly an unufual Reprieve^ being faved after the Trocefpon. Hey tor
Bias, and Maria Pinteyra, were burnt alive^ and the other two
firfi (irangUd, The "Execution was njery cruel. The Woman was
alive in the Flames half an Houry and the Man above an Hour:
The prefent King and his Brothers were feated at a Window fo
near^ as to be addreffed to a confiderabJe Time^ in very moving
Terms ^ by the Man as he was burning. But ilo the Favour he
.begged was only a few more FaggotSy yet he was not able t*
obtain it. Thofe which are burnt alive here^ are feated on a
Bench twelve Feet highy fafiened to a Poky and above fix Feet
higher than the Faggots, The Wind being a little frejby the Mani
hinder Farts were perfeBly wafied; and as he turned himfelf^
his Ribs opened before he left fpeakingy the Fire being recruited as
it waftedy to keep him juft in the fame Degree of Heat. But aU
his Entreaties could not procure him a larger Allowance of Wood
to (borten his Mifery and difpatch him. Thus far the Letter.

How diabolical a Religion muft that be, which thus divefls
Men of all the Sentiments of Humanicy and Compailion, and
hardens them againft all the Mifcries and Sufferings of their
Fellow Creatures ! For as Dr. Ceddes obferves, ibid, p. 450.
'^ That the Reader may not think thic this inhuman Joy is
*^ the EfFtdl of a natural Cruelty that is in thefe Peoples Dit
^* pofition, and not of the Spirit of their Religion, he may reft
^^ alFured, that all publick Malefaftors bcfides Hereticks, hare
'^ their violent Deaths no where more tenderly lamented than
*' amongft the fame People, and even when there is nothing
5* in the Manner of their Deaths that appears inhuman or cruel."

them }

5r&^ His Toil Y ^/Persecution.^

them ; and tedioufly tells us of feveral Myfteries
iignified by the Crofs, of which I will here give
a ftiort Summary.

The Crofs is the Beginning and End of all
Ads of the Inquifition ; and by it is reprefented,
that the Tribunal of the Inquifition is a Repre-
fentation of that fupreme and final Tribunal, in
tvhich the Sign of the Crofs lliall appear before
the Lord Chrift, coming to the Judgment of the
World with great Ma jefty and Glory. Farther,
it denotes the War which the Inquifition wages
againft Hereticks, and the Vidory which they
gain over the Enemies of the Orthodox Faith ;
becaufe the Inquifitors ifare appointed the Con-
querors of heretical Pravity, and Captains for
the Defence of Religion, who keep Watch at the
Caftle of the Inquifition for the Chriftian Faith,
repair it when going to Ruin, reftore it when
tumbled down, and preferve it when reftored in
its ancient, flouriftiing and vigorous State.

The Inquifition ufes a green Crofs, that it may

be more conveniently diftinguifhed from thofe

Croffes of other Colours, which are ufed by the

Chriftian Commonwealth ; and efpecially that it

may be (hadowed out, that all Things ufually

fignified by Greennefs, belong to the Inquifition.

For Inftance, Greennefs denotes Stability and

Eternity ; it is a grateful, pleafant, and attradive

Colour to the Eyes, and finally, is a Sign o£

Vidory and Triumph. Hereby is fhadowed forth,

that the InquifttOYS of heretical Pravity ^vigilantly fre--

ferve the Stability of the Church ; and that Hereticki

are attratted by the green Crofs ^ fo that they can t

efcape the Judgment of this "Tribunal^ and by beholding

it are brought to the tender Bofo?n of Mother Churchy

^nd drawn to Repentance^ and the Sincerity of the

Faith.

The

The History ^Persecution. 289

The Banner of the Inquifition hach a green
Crols in a Field Sable, adorned on the right
Hand with a Branch of green Olive, and bran^
didiing on the left a drawn Sword, with this
Mocto round about the Scutcheon, Exjiirge^ Do-
mine^ & judica caufam tuam ; Pfal. Ixxiv. 22. Arife^
O Lordy and plead thy own Caufe. The Branch of green
Olive denotes the fame as the green Crofs*. But
the Branch of Olive is on the right Hand of the
Crofs, and the Sword on the left, to fliew that in
the Inquifition Mercy is mixed with Juftice ; and
the Meaning of this Mixture they derive from
the Ark of the Tabernacle, in which, together
with the Tables, there was the Rod and the
Manna, the Rod of Severity, and the Manna
of Sweetnefs; as tho' the Rod of Jaron which
bloflomed, wais the Rod with which Judges com-
mand Criminals to be whipped. The Branch of.
Olive at the right Hand^ fignifies that nothing^
ought to be fo ftrictly regarded by the Inqui-
ficors as Mercy and Clemency, which the Olive
moft wonderfully (hadows ' forth, which hath.
Branches always green^ and which endures Storms
much longer than any other Trees, and if buried
under Water, is not fo foon deftroyed, nor doth
fo eafily lofe its Verdure, The drawn Sword
brandifhing on the left, points out that (he In-
quifitors, after having tried in vain all Methods.
of Mercy, do then as it were unwillingly come
to the Ufe and Drawing of the Swor<i, which
was given by God for the Punifliment of Of-
fenders. The Field of 'Sable, in the midft of
which the green Crofs is placed, intimates the^
Repentance of the Criminals, ittid the Sorrow,
they conceive on account of their Sins; which^
however, the Green mitigates wich the Hope of
Pardon.

U The

spo "floe History i?/' Persecution,

The Motto round the Scutcheon, Exfurge Do"
mine. Sec. marks out that the Inquifitors, in ex-
peftation of the Coming of the Lord, do in the
mean while punilh the Wicked, that they may
deter others, and defend the Good.

But befides thefe Things, there are other Dif-
ferences between the Celebration of an Aft of
'.13 5' Faith in India and Spain. Gonfahius tells us^
this folemn ProcelTion began in this Manner ac
Seville. *' In the firft Place went feme School-
Boys, brought out of a certain College ia
which Boys were taught, which they com-
monly call the Houfe of Teaching, who ftrikd
an Awe upon others by their Habit, Singing,
*^ and Order, in which they are kept by certain
^^ Clergymen cloathed in Surplices. They walk
along finging the Litanies of the Saints, re-
peating tliem alternately, the Chorus alter-
nately anfwering. Ova pro nobis. After thefe
follow the Prifoners themfelves, commonly
" called Penitentials, difpofed as it were into
" feveral Clafles in this Order. Next after thd
^^ Children walk thofe who are convicted of leffer
^^ Faults. The Tokens of their Guilt are ufually
unlighted Candles, Halters about their Necks,
*^ wooden Bits, and Paper Mitres. They walk
^' with their Heads uncovered, that the Mitre
may not be concealed^ and, after the Manner
of Slaves, without their Cloak. Thofe who
excel others in Birth, or Riches, follow after

" thofe who are meaner. Next to thefe march
^^ thofe who are cloathed with the Samhenito^s^ or

military Mantles, marked acrofs with the red

Crofs j the fame Order being obferved as

*^ above, according to the Diftinftion of the Per-

*^ fons. Thofe who are defiled in holy Orders,

[^ as they are fuperior in Dignity, fo alfo are

!! they

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5"y&^ History ^Persecution'.'

they in their Place or Rank in the Proccffion.^
After thefe comes the third and laft Clafs, zii-Zs,
of thofe who are appointed for the Fire.
Every Prifoner is attended by two armed Fa*
miliars, for his fafe Cuftody, one on each Side
of him ; befides which, thofe who are to did
have two Monks or Theatins, as they cal] them,
walking by them. The whole Council of the
City, confiding of the Alguazils^ Juro(rs, the
Judges of twenty-four Decrees, the great Offi-
cers of the Court, the Regent and Viceroy
himfelf, or his Deputy, who are followed by
a great Number of Nobility on Horfeback,
immediately follow theClafles of the Prifoners,
who, according to the Cuftom of a Triumph,
ought certainly to march firft. After thefe
comes the Ecclefiaftical Order, the Clergy, be-
neficed Perfons, and Curates walking firft.'
Next after them walk the whole Chapter of the
principal Church, which they commonly call
the Cabild of the greater Church. Then the
Abbots and Priors of the Monks Orders, with
their Attendants. AH thefe walk before the
holy Tribunal to do Honour to it, becaufe, on
that Day, it openly triumphs. Between thefe
and the next after there is a Space left empty,
in which the Fifcal of the Inquificion, who
hath had no fmall Share in gaining that Viftory
to the holy Tribunal, walks as Standard* Bearer
in truly military Pomp, difplaying and open-
ing the Standard made of red Damask Silk.
This Standard is moft curioufly embroidered,
having on one Side of it the Arms of that Pope
who granted the Inquifition, with his Name
written at latge ; and 6n the other thofe of
King Perdmand, who firft brought it \mo Spain.
Every Thing in it is wrought with Silk, Ggid^

U 2 ^ ar4

292 7he History of Persegittiow.

and Purple. Upon the very Point of this Ban-
ner is faftened a filver Crucifix waftied over
with Gold, of great Value; to which the fu-
perfticious Multitude pay a peculiar Venera-
tion, for this Reafon only, becaufe it belongs
to the Inquifition. At length come the Fathers
of the Faith themfelves, with a flow Pace^ and
profound Gravity, truly triumphing, as be-
comes the principal Generals of that Vidory.-
After them come all the Familiars of the holy
Inquifition on Horfeback. Then an innume-
rable Company of the common People and Mob,
without any Order or Charafter. In this
Pomp they march from the Jail of the Inqui-
fition to the high and magnificent Scaffold,
which is built of Wood, in the nobleft and
moft capacious Street of the City, for flbewing
the Penitents to publick View, and for hearing
their Sentences. On this Scaffold they make
them fit in the fame Order as they marched.
There is alfo another Scaffold almofl as large
as the former, over againft it, in which is
erefted the Tribunal of the Lords Inquifitors ;
where they fit in their Inquifitorial, and almoflr^
divine Majefty, attended with all that Gran*
dure in which they came/'
The King (if prefent) the Queen and the
ivhole Court, and alfo the Legates, and all the
Nobility of Spain^ generally honour this Solem-
nity with their Prefence. The Seat of the In-
quifitor General is like a Tribunal, raifed above
the King's. When all are feated in their Places,
they begin with celebrating Mafs ; but when the
Priefl who officiates is come to about the Middle
of the Service, he leaves the Alt^r, and goes
back to his proper Place. Then the fupreme
Inquifitor comes down from the Scaffold, rob'd

^77?^. ^^s/s7rrtt^^<im^ ^^z^ Act of Taith m^ Spaua

F 2^2

The History ^Persecution. 293

in all his Ornaments,- and making his Reverences
before the Altar^ afcends by feveral Steps to the
King, attended by fome of the Officers of the
Inquifition, who carry the Crucifix and Gofpels,
and the Book in which is contained the Oath,
by which the King obliges himfelf to proteft the
Catholick Faith, to the Extirpation of Herefies,
and the Defence of the Inquifition. The King
{landing bare-headed, having on one fide of hini
the Conftable of Cafiile^ or one of the Grandees
oiSpain^ who holds up the Sword of State, fwearsr
that he will keep the Oath, which is publickly
read over to him^ by one of the Members of the
Royal Council i and remains in the fame Pofture,
till the fupreme Inquifitor goes bw^ck to his Place.
After this one of the Secretaries of tht Inquifition
goes into a Desk, reads over the like Oath, and
takes it from tfte Council, and the whole AflTembly.
Then all the feveral Sentences are read over^
and the Solemnity fometimes lafts till nine a-Clock
in the Evening.

Criminals penitent and reconciled, and brought
out in publick Proceffion, are carried back to
their former Jails in the holy Office the fame Day
in which the Sentences are pronounced againll
them, and the Day following are brought to arx
Audience of the Inquifitors, and are admonifhecl
of thofe Things which are injoined them by their
Sentences, and how grievoufly they will be pu-
nifhed, unlefs they humbly do the Penances af-
figned them. Afcer this, they fend every ohq
to the Place to which his Sentence ordered him.
Thofe who are condemned to the Gallies, are
fent to the Jails of the fecular Judges. Some are
whipped thro' the principal Streets of the Ciry,
and fometimes receive two hundred Lafhus*
Ochers wear Va^mhrnous Smnbenito \ fomeerf?ry

U 3 Day,

294 ^^^ History of Persecution.

Day, others muft appear in them only Sunday i
and holy Days. But in thefe Things every ond
obferves the Cuftom of his own. Inquifition. In
the Inquifition ac Goa this is the Method. Before
the Pr^ilbners are difmiffed, they are carried from
Jail to fome other Houfe, where they are every
Day inftructed in the Dodrines and Rites of the
Church oi Rome ; and when they are difmiflfed,
every one hath a Writing given him, containing
the Penances injoined them ; to which is added
a Command^ that every one flialj exadly keep
fecret every Thing he hath feen, faid or heard,
and all the Tranfaftions relating to him, whether
at the Table, or in other Places of the holy Office.
And to this Secrecy every Prifoner binds himfelf
by a folemn Oath.

£ The Day after this Solemnity alfo, the Effigies
of thofe condemned to Death, painted to the Life,
are carried to the Dominicans Church, and there
hung up to be viewed by all. The Cuftom in
i-t. 2,. this Matter is dcfcribed by Ludovicus a Paramo.
. 5. n. 95<« There is another Monument of Infamy, whichj
^^ ^^* '^ tho' vulgarly galled by the Spaniards Sambenito^
yet is not a Garment, but a Cloth affixed to
the Walls of the Churches for perpetual In-
famy in the Pariihes where they lived. On
*^ this Cloth is written the Name and Surname
" of the Criminal, and the Bufinefs he carried
*^ on is alfo exprefled. If he difcovers any far-
^^ ther, they add another little Piece to the Cloth
*^ to prevent Doubt, defcribing his Country} and
*' oftentimes alfo the Parents and Grandfathers
*• of the condemned Perfon.

^' In fome of thefe Cloths may be read who
were the Parents of the Criminals, of what
Race they were ; whether they were married,
or if married Women, whofe Wives they were ;

*' whether

The History of Persecution. 395

" whether lately recovered to the Chriftian Re-
^^ Ugion, from the Jewifb Law and Mahometan
^^ SeQ:. Finally, the Caufe of their Penance is
^^ declared according to the Nature of their Crime,
*' viz,, that he was an Arch-Heretick, a Dog-
" matift, a declared Heretick, an heretical Apo-
*^ ftate, a feigned Penitent, negative and obfti-
*^ nate, an impenitent and relapfed Heretick,
*^ a Lutheran^ Anabaptift, Cahiniji, Alaytianift
*' Heretick, even tho^ they died before Condem-
*^ nation. Befides this Infcription, there is alio
** painted the Mark which is ufually put on living
^' Penitents, as is above explained. In the an-
^' cient Cloths, which have not yet been repaired,
*^ one may fee an upright Crofs. Befides thefe
" already mentioned, other Things may be feen
*^ in them,- for in fome the Perfon and Crime is
*^ omitted, and this one Word only written with-
*^ out the Pidure, Comhuftus^ Burnt. On the
*^ Clothes of fuch as are reconciled, this Word
" only, without any Crofs or Mark, ReconciUatus^
" Reconciled. Sometimes' the Date of the Year is
^' wanting. Sometimes the Flames are painted
'^ without any Infcription, fo that the Criminal
*^ can't poflibly be known. However, thefe Mc-
^^ numcnts of Infamy and Difgrace are not to be
*^ fixed up to render thofe infamous, who are re-
*^ conciled during the Time of Indulgence and
'^ Grace. For as it was agreed with them, that
*^ they (hould not wear fuch infamous Habits,
'^ nor be cloathed with them during the Time of
*^ their Reconciliation, it would be contrary to
** Reafon and Juftice to hang them up, becaufe
*^ it would be wholly todeftroy the Favour granted
*^ them. This Conftitution is obferved in all the
** Kingdoms and Dominions of the King of Spain^
1* except in Stilly^ where, in the Year 1543-

U 4. '' when

296 ^he History of Persecution^-

cc
cc

when theLicenciate Cerveya waslnquificor there^
there was a very great Gommotion at Palerma^
when the People rofe againft the holy Inqui-
(ition, and tore ofF the infamous Cloths from
the Walls of the Church dedicated to St. Do-
minickj with fo great a Fury and Rage, that
they could never, to this Day, fix them up again
upon the Walls either of that, or any other
Church/'

Thus far we have deftribed the Method of
Proceeding obferved in the Inquifition ; and ii
we attentively confider it, and compare it with
the ufual Method of Proceeding in all other
Courts, we fliali find it to be a Series and Con-
nection of Injuftice and Cruelties, and fubverfive
of all Laws, both divine and human.

The Papifts ufually recommend to their own
People this Tribunal as an holy one, and call the
Inquifition the holy Office. But if we confider it;
thorowly, we fhall find 'tis all Difguife, by which
thay endeavour to palliate and cover over the Vil-
lany and Injuftice of this Court. I will not now
undertake to (hew that the Caufes which are ma-
naged before this Tribunal aVe not fubjed ta
human Judgment, but belong to the Tribunal o£
God, and his Son Chrift: For God only, the
fupreme Lord of all, who can fave, and can de-
ftroy, can prefcribe the Laws of Salvation and
Damnation: He only, as Omnifcient and Searcher
of Hearts, can pronounce an infallible Judgment
of every one'^s Faith, which lies concealed in his
Mind, and which he may diffemble by Words or
Adions, and hath admitted no Man as Partner
with himfelf in this Power. From lience it evi-
dently follows, that \\s a facrllegious Violatiou
of the divi.ne Majefty and Laws, in that the Pope

^he History ^Persecution.^ 297

of Rome arrogates to himfelf the Judgment of the
Faith, prefcribes Laws of Believing to the Faith-
ful, ereds the Tribunal of an Inquificion, fends
every where Inquifitors as Judgeis delegated by
him, who, in his Name, and by a Powgr granted
by him, are to inquire into the Faith of all, and
punifh thofe who are not in all Things obedient
to the Pope. Nor will I here examine that yil-
lanous Dodrine, by which they teach that He-
i-eticks are to be deprived of all Power, fo that
Faith is not to be kept with them; Subjefis are
not bound by their Oath of Allegiance and Fi-
delity; that the Husband or Wife, for the He-
xefy of either, is freed from tHe Laws of Matri-
niony, and even Children from Obedience to
their Parents : For, Ws fully evident,' that this
Doftrine fubverts all Laws, divine and human.

I will only, in a few Words, reprefent the
principal Iniquities and Inftances of Injuftice of
this Tribunal ^ in which, as to the Reafon and
Method'of Proceeding in favour of the Faith, ic
differs from the Laws and Cuftoms of all other
Courrs; whereby Things evidently unjuft in
other Tribunals, are in this accounted juft. I
ftiall not indeed mention all, but the Chief only,
and moft remarkable Inftances, as Specimens of
the reft.

I. The firft is, that the Inquifitors, by pub-
lifhing an Edid of the Faith, oblige all, under
the Penalty of Excommunication, to inform be-
fore them of every one whom they fufpefl of He-
refy, foi' the (lighreft Caufe; fo that not only
n Relation is bound to accufe his Relation, a
Brother his Brotiier, and by his Information to
bring him into Danger of being burnt, the moft:
horrible of all Punifim^ents ; but even a Wife

her

I'he History of Persecution^

her Husband : Yea, what deftroys all the Lawsf
of Nature, a Son, according to the Opinion oi
many Doftors, is bound to inform againft his
Father, if a fecrec Heretic!?.

IL A fecond Inftance of Injuftice, is their con-
demning a Perfon, defamed only for Herefy, to.
make canonical Purgation, /. e. to purge himfelf
with feven, more or lefs. Compurgators,- fo that
if he fails in one, two or three, he is accounted
<yuilty. For thus the Life and' Torture of any
one depends on the Will and Pleafure of another.

III. A third is, that in this Office every one,
tho' excluded by other Courts, is admitted for
a Witnefs, a mortal fenemy only excepted.

IV. To this may be added a fourth, that the
Names of the Witneffes are not (hewn to the
Prifoner, nor is any Circumftance difco^ered to
him by which he can come to the Knowledge of
the Witneffes.

V. A fifth Inftance of Injuftice is, that if two
unexceptionable Witneffes, who yet muft ever be
liable to Exception, becaufe unknown to the Cri-
minal, teftify of different Fads, yea, fometimes
if there be one only, yea, if but a mere Report,
they think it enough to order to the Torture.

VI. A fixth Inftance is, that they would have
Perfons informed againft become their own Ac-
cufers : For as^ foon as ever any one is thrown
into Jail, he is bound by an Oath to declare the
Truth.

VII. A

^be hT^tory ^/'Persecution, 299

VII. A feventh Inftance is, that the Inquifitors

ufe various Arts to draw out a Confeffion from *

the Prifoners, by making them deceitful Promifes,
which, when they have got the Confeffion, they
don't believe themfelves obh'ged to fulfil; that fo
the Prifoner being deftitute of all human Affi-
ftance and Comfort, and feeing no End to his
Miferies, may, thro* the Art and Fraud of the
Inquifitor, have no pofllble Way left to defend
himfelf; And yet in the mean while thefe
Wretches affed the Appearance of Juftice, and
grant the Criminals an Advocate and Pro(5ior to
manage their Caufe. But in this the Prifoner is
miferably deceived.

VIII. And this is an eighth Specimen of their
Injuftice, becaufe the Advocate granted to him
is given him only to betray him. For he may
not choofe fuch an Advocate as he himfelf ap-
proves of, nor is it lawful for the Advocate to
defend the Prifoner, unlefs he would be accounted
as a Favourer of Herefy ,• but the Inquifition it
felf affigns him his Advocate, bound to them by
an Oath, whofe principal Bufinefs is to perfuade
the Criminal to confefs the Crime he is accufed
of, not to ufe any Methods of Defence not
praftifed in the Court of the Inquifirion, and
immediately to quit his Defence, if he cant de-
fend him according to the Laws of the Inqui-
fition.

IX. A ninth is, that when the Crimes cannot
be proved againft the Prifoner, he is not abfolved
from the Crime of which he is accufed, but only
from I^ofecution ; and all the Declaration that is
made, is that the Crime againft him is not proved

3GQ The History ^Persecution.

by proper Witneflfes; and this Sentence is never
taken for an adjudged Cafe. So that he who \%
once informed againft to the Inquifition, altho
he be innocent, and- his Crime can't be proved
according to the received Manner of the Inqui-
fition, tho' indeed, according to that Manner, all
Crimes of which there is but the leaft Sufpicion
may be eafily proved \ yet he is nevey blotted out
bf the Inquifitors Book or Index, but his Name
is there prefervcd in perpetual Remembrance of
his being a fufpeded Perfon, that if he (hquld
happen to be informed againft for Herefy at any
other Time, thefe latter Informations added to
the former may amount to a real Proofs and that
altho^ he is difmifl'ed from Jail by the Sentence of
the Judge, he may never be able to live in Safety,
but that being always fufpefted by the Inquifitor,
he may be arretted for the fame Crime which
ought to have been forgotten, upon the frefli
Information of fome vile and wicked Fellow.

X. A tenth, and that not the leaft Inftance of
Injuftice, is their Readinefs to put Perfons to the
Torture, and that to difcover a fecret Crime,
lying concealed in the Mind; yea, that they will
ufe the Torture fo much the fooner, becaufe the
Crime is more concealed than other Crime?.

XL The eleventh is» their putting Perfons to
the Torture upon half full Proof of the Crime.
This half full Proof is Faultering, Defamation,
and one Witnefs of his own Knowledge, or when
the Tokens are vehement and violent. All thefe
Things are fubjed to the Pleafure of the Judge.
So that if any one falls into the Hands of a cruel
Inquifitor? and faulters in his Anfwer, or is in-
formed againft by one Witnefs, who declares he

was

The History of Persecution. joi

vvas prefent at the ASion or Words he gives In-
formation of, he can't poffibly efcape the Tor-
ture, nor confequently the Punilhment of the
Crime he is accufed of, confidering the Violence
of the Torments. Nor is this all^ but as there
may be fome Fads occafioned not fo much by
Herefy concealed in the Mind, as by carnal Con-
cupifcence or Rafhnefs, they will havefuch to be
tortured for their Intention, and force them by
Torments to confefs they had an heretical In-,
tention in their Mind*

XIL A twelfth is, that when they prepare
themfelves for the Torture, they gravely and fe-
rioufly admonifli the Criminal to fpeak nothing
but the Truth, and to confefs nothing that is noc
agreeable to Truth to avoid the Tortures. By
this Means they put on the Appearance of Sin-
cerity, as tho' they fought nothing but the naked
Truth, that when the Torture is finifhed the^
may be very fecure that the tortured Perfon hath
confefled a real Crime, becaufe they have ferioufly
and gravely admonilhed him to fay nothing con-
trary to Truth. In the mean while they fuppofe,
that the Crime objefted againft him is real, and
endeavour to force from him a Confeffion by
Torture, and threaten to double his Torments
unlefs he confefles ; fo that if he denies the
Crime, his Torments are aggravated ; if he con-
fefles it, his Torments are foon ended. Hence
it appears, that their Defign is not honeftly to
find out the Truth by Torture, bur that they
fuppofe the Crime is real, altho^ according to
the Laws of the Inquifition it be only half proved,
and then extort a Confeflion of it.

XIIL A

302 T'he History ^Persecution'.

XIII. A thirteenth is, that whereas in other
Courts the Number is certainly fixed how often
the Torture may be repeated, they have invented
a Method of torturing Perfons very often, with-*,
out offending againft the Law, which provides!
that the Tortures (hall not be repeated above
twice or thrice. If, for Inftance, they make ule
of the lelter Tortures, and the Prifoner confefles
nothing, they afterwards make ufe of more
grievous ones, then proceed to fuch as are more
cruel, tin at different Intervals of Time they have
gone thro* all the feveral Kinds of Tortures.
And this they don^t call a Repetition, but only
a Continuation of the Torture ; fo that if any
one hath been feveral Times tortured, but with
a different kind of Torture each Time, and hath*
thus at certain Diflances gone thro* all the Kinds
of Torture, according to the Opinion of thefe
merciful Cafuifls, he ought to be accounted as
tortured only once.

XIV. A fourteenth is, that when they deliver
condemned Perfons to the fecular Arm,' they in-
tercede for them, that their Punifliment may be
fo moderated as to prevent (bedding of Blood, or
Danger of Death. And in the mean while, if the
Magifirate is not ready to burn the Hereticks, or
delays the Puni(hment, they oblige him, under
Penalty of Excommunication, to execute the Sen-
tence. The fuperftitious Wretches ,are afr^aid
they (hould become irregular, by delivering a
Criminal to the fecular Magiftrate without Inter-
ceffion, and yet are not afraid of becoming ir-
regular, by compelling the Magiftrate under Pe-
nalty of Excommunication to murder thofe whom

they

The History of Pei^secution. 302

they have condemned. Can any thing be more
evident, than that this is nothing more than ading
a Part, and an AfFedation to be thought by the
People to have no hand in the Murder of which
they are really the Authors ?

XV. The laft Inftance I fliall mention, ap-^
pears in their ridiculous Procefs againft the Dead,
whofe Relations and Heirs they cite, to appear
on fuch a Day to defend^ if they can and will,
the Memory of the Dead. Whereas they them-
felves have made it a Law, that if any one ap-
pears in Defence of an Heretick, he (hall be ac-
counted as a Favourer of Hereticks himfelf, and
condemned as fuch, and have no Advocate or
Procurator to defend himfelf. So that they cite
all Perfons to defend the Memory of the Dead,
and yet deter all Perfons from fuch Defence by
a moft grievous Punifiiment, a'ppointed againft
the Favourers of Hereticks. So that all this is,
like their Interceffion for Criminals, mere Im-
pofture and Sham. Then they provide an Ad-
vocate to manage the Caufe, bound to them un-
der an Oath, and he publickly declares he can't
defend the Memory of the Deceafed. So that
as no one undertakes his Defence, the Accufa-
tions againft him are reckoned juft, the Proofs
legal, and the Deceafed is condemned for Herefy.
But what greater Inftance of Irjjuftice can there'
be, than to condemn a Perfon as con vided, whofe
Defence no one dares undertake, without run-
ning the Hazard of his Fortune and Life,

If any one confiders thefe Things, which I

have mentioned as Specimens only, he will find

no Sanftity in the Court of the Inquificion ; bur

muft acknowledge, that in tlie whole Method of

. I Pro-

3^4 ^he History. (?/ Persecution..

Proceeding there is nothing but Injuftice, Frauds
Impoftures, and the moft accurfed Hypocrify ;
by which the Inquificors, under the feigned Pre-
tence of Sandity, endeavour to difguife the Vil-
lany of their Proceedings, that fo they may main-
tain their Dominion over the miferable common
People, and keep them all in Subjeftion to them-
felves. And tho* they do every Thing phat is
ivicked and vile, yet they would have all adore
them for the venerable Charade? of Sandity.

""Tis needlefs to mention here more Inftances
of their Cruelty : I Ihall fay all in a few Words.
The Miferics of the Jail, in which the Prifoners
are generally confined by themfelves for feveral
Years, (hut up in Darknefs, without being al-
lowed any human Converfe, are fo great, the
Cruelty of their Torments fo fevere, and their
Punilhments fo exquifite, that they greatly ex-
ceed the Cruelty of all other Courts : For Perfons
are not only burnt alive, but their Mouths gagged^
fo that they have not the Liberty to groan or cry
out in thofe moft horrible Tortures ^ and by thus
flopping up their Mouths, they are in fuch an
A^^ony, as that they are almoft ftrangled. But
their Cruelty towards the Penitent and Converted
is moft deteftable : For whereas the Church ought,
with open Arms, to embrace Penitents, in imi-
tation of the Shepherd who carried the loft Sheep ^
on his Shoulders, and brought it home to the
Sheepfold, thefe Wretches in join the moft grie-
vous Punifliments on thofe whofe Lives they fpare,
which with them are only wholefofne Penances.
For they condemn them either to wear the infa-
mous Samhnito, or to Imprifonment, or the Gal-
lies, whereby their very Life is oftentimes a Pu-
niftiment to them ; whilft others arc denied the
very Hopes of Life, efpecially the Relapfedy who

are

The History of Persecution. 305

are condemned to Death without Mercy, tho*
they convert th6mfelve$. And yet the Sacraments
are given to thofe who are reconciled to the Church
when they defire it; and thus before they are
put to Death they become Members of the Church,
put in a State of Salvation, and by the Priefts
themfelves hioft certainly allured of an heavenly
Crown. Can there be any greater Cruelty, and
more abhorrent from the Spirit of Chriftianity,
than to punifli with Death an erroneous Perfon
who repents, decefts his Error, and is now re-
conciled to the Church? But the Ecclefiaftical
Sandions muft be fatisfied, and the Authority of
the Church preferved intire, tho' the l\aws of
Jefus Chrift, and the Commands df the Gofpel,
are trampled under Foot.

All thefe Iniquities are committed according
to the very Laws of the Inquifition. Many
Things are indeed, in the Execution of this Office,
left to the Pleafure of the Inquifitors, which
Power they often villainoufly abufe, as appears
from their daily Praftice, and innumerable In-
ilances; for it was the Common Complaint of all
Nations againft the Inquifition, what Thuanus tells
us was the Complaint of the Neapolitans: That^'^^-* I ^\
the perverfe and prepofteyous Form of Trials increafed
the Horror^ becaufe it was contrary to natural Equity^
and to every legal Method in carrying on that Jurif^
diEiion. Add to this the Inhumanity of their TTortures^
by which they violently extorted from the miferable and
innocent Criminals^ that they might deliver themfelves
from their "Torments^ whatfoever the delegated Judges
would have them conjefs^ tho* generally contrary to
'Truth. And for this Reafon 'twas juflii faid, that
it was invented not for the fake of defending Religion^
which the prhnitive Church had provided for by a finite
dijftrent Method^ but that by this Means they might

X firig

3o6 The History i^/^ PERSECtJTioN.

flrip all Men of their Fortunes^ and bring innocent Per-*
fom into Danger of being defiroyed.

The Papifts indeed glory, that the Inquifition
is the moft certain Remedy to extirpate Herefies.
And becaufe the Inquifition is fo eft'eSual a Me-
I. 2. t. 3. thod to extirpate Herefies, Ludovicus a Paramo ga-
^•'^>^* thers from thence that.it was ordained for thi^
Purpofe, by the moft wife Providence of God.
But what is really ranjuft in it felf, and carried
on by unjuft Methods, cannot have God for itsr
Author; nor is Succefs any Argument that the
Inquifition is from God. The firft Inquiry is,
whether it be fuitable to the Nature of the Chri-
fiian Dodrine > If it be not, "'tis then unjuft and
Anti-chriftian. Many Things are unrighteoudy
undertaken by Men, and aecomplilhed by Vio-
lence and Cruelty, by which Innocence is op-
prefled ; which, altho^ God in his juft and wife
Counfel permits, he is far from approving*
Even in Japan^ a cruel Perfecution hath extin-
guiftied the Chriftian Religion, as preached by
the Rowan Priefts ,• fo that the Roman Catholicl^f
Religion is equally extinguiftied there by the
Violence of Perfecutions, as thofe Dodrines are
in Spain, which are contrary to the Church of
Ro?ney and which they render odious by the in-
famous Name of Herefy. And yet they will not
allow that any juft Argument can be drawn from
hence, to prove that that Perfecution was given
by divine Providence, as a moft effedual Remedy
for the Extirpation of their Religion. If other
Parties of Chriftians would ufe the fame Diligence
and Cruelty of Inquifition againft them, I may
venture to affirm, that they themfelves could not
withftand it; but that within a few Years the
Popifti Religion would be extinguiftied in all Pro-
teftant Countries, and fcarce a fingle Perfon left

who

7he History of PERSECUTioisf. 307

who would dare to profefs ir. But God forbid
that the Chriftian Religion (hould ever be pro-
pagated this way, which doth not confift in a
feigned and hypocritical Profelfion, but in a fin-
cere and undiflembled Faith. And therefore, as
no one ou^ht to aitume to himfelf the Power of
Judging concerning it, but God the Searcher of
Hearcs, to him only let us leave it to pafs the
true Judgment concerning every Man^s Belief.
Let us in the mean while deteft the Tyranny of
the Papifts ; and ftrive to reduce chofe, who, in
our Judgment, hold Errors, into the Way of
Truth, by the good Offices of Charity and Be-
nevolence, without arrogating to our felves a
Judgment over the Confciences of others. And
out of a ferious Regard to the laft great Day of
Judgment, let us approve our Confciences to
God," and every one of us, expe&ing from his
Mercy an equitable and righteous Judgment, pray
without ceafing: Arisb, O Lord, and pleap
THY OWN Cause.

41^

X 2 BOOK

3o8 7he History ^ Persecution;

BOOK IV.

Of Perfecutions amongji Protestants.

AFTER the World had groaned for many
Ages under the infupportable Bondage of
Popifli Superftition and Cruelty, it pleaied
God, in his own good Providence, to take the
Remedy of thefe Evils into his own Hands; and
^fter feveral ineffeftual Attempts by Men, at laft
to bring about a Reformation of Religion by his
owii Wifdom and Power. The Hiftory of this
great Event hath been very particularly and faith-
fully given by many excellent Writers, to which
I muft here refer my Readers ; and it muft be
owned, that the Perfons employed by Almighty
God, to accomplifti this great Work, were, many
of them, remarkable for their great Learning and
exemplary Piety. I am fure I have no Incli-
nation to detraft from their Worth and Merit.
One would indeed have imagined, that the Cruel-
ties exercifed by the Papifts upon all who oppofed
their Superftitions in Worftiip, and their Cor-
ruptions in Dodrine, fhould have given the firft
Reformers an utter Abhorrence of all Methods
of Perfecution for Confcience-fake, and have kept
them from ever cntriug into any fuch Meafures
themfelves. But it muft be confeffed, that how-
ever they differed from the Church of Rome^ as to
Dodrines and Difcipline, yet, that they too ge-
nerally agreed with her, in the Methods to fup-
port what they themfelves apprehended to be
Truth and Orthodoxy ; and were angry with the
Papifts, not for perfecuting, but for perfecuting

them-

The History ^Persecution^. 509-

themfelves and their Followers,* being really of
opinion that Hereticks might be perfecuted, and,
in feme Cafes, perfecuted to Death. And that
this was their avowed Principle, they gave abvin-?
dant Demonftration by their Praftice.

S E C T I. }

LuTHER*J Opinion concerning Perfecution.

LUther, that great Inftrument, under God, of I-uther.
the Reformation in Germany^ was, as his
Followers allow, naturally of a warm and violent
Temper, but was however in his Judgment againft
puniftiing Hereticks with Death. Thus, in his
Account of the State of the Popifh Church, as
related by Seckendorfy he fays: The true Church I 1. Seft,
teaches the Word of God, but forces no one to it. if 3 ^» 5^3.
any one will not believe it, fhe difmiffes him, and fe-
parates her f elf from him, according to the Command
of Chriji, and the Example of Paul in the AdSy and
leaves him to the Judgment of God: JVhereas our
Executioners, and mofi cruel Tyrants, teach not the
Word of Gody but their ozun Articles, aEiing as they
pleafe, and then adjudge thofe who refufe to believe
their Articles, and obey their Decrees, to the Fires.
The fame Author gives us many other ftrong
Paflages to the fame Purpofe. Particularly, in
one of his Letters to Uncus, who askM his Opi-
nion about the Puniftiment of falfe Teachers,
Luther fays : I am very averfe to the /bedding oflbU, Se&:
Blood, even in the Cafe of fuch as deferve it : And /^3- 5 43«
the m'^re tfpecially dread it in this Cafe, becaufe, as
the Papilts and Jews, under this Pretence, have de-
ftroy^d holy Prophets and innocent Men ; fo I ani
afraid the fame would happen amongjl our felves, if
in one ftngle Infimce it flouuld be allowed lawful for

X I Seducers

310 T'he History ^Persecution.

Seducers to be put to Death, I can tJnrefore^ by no
Means ^ allow that falfe feachers fiould be deftrofd*
/ But as to all other Punifhments, Luther feems to

have been of Aujiins Mind, and thought that
they might be lawfully ufed. For, after the
before-mention'd PaflTage, he adds, ^7is fufficient
that they fiould be banijhed. And in another Place,
Ibid. Sea. he allows, that Hereticks may be correSied, and
3 • ^ ^'i' forced at leafl to fileyice, ij they pubUckly deny any one
cf the Articles received by all Chriflians^ and particU"
larly that Chrifl is God ; ajftrming him to be a mere
Man or Prophet. T^his^ fays he, is not to force Men
to the Faithy but to rejirain Publick Blafphemy. In
another Place he goes farther, and fays, that
I. 5. ^^^' ffereticks are not indeed to be put to Death ^ but may
• ^ ^ however be confine d^ andfhutup in fome certain Place ^
and put under Reflraint as Madmen, As to the
yewsy he was for treating them more feverely ;
!■ 3. Sea. and ivas of opinion, that their Synagogues Ihould be
*7' $ 3- levelled with the Ground ^ their Houfes defiroy'd^ their
Books of Prayer^ and of the Talmud, and even thofe
of the Old Teftament, be taken from them; their
Rabbles be forbid to teach^ and forced, by hard Labour^
to get their Bread ; and if they would not fubmit to
this, that they fhould be^ banifbed, as was formerly
praBffed in FrancG and Spam. -^ ^

I 3. Sea. This was the Moderation of this otherwife
5 i« $ i,i5- great and good Man, who was indeed againft
putting Hereticks to Death, but for almoft all
other Punifhments that the civil Magiftrate could
inflid: And, agreeably to this Opinion, he per-
fuaded the Elettors of Saxony not to tolerate, in
tlieir Dominions, the Followers of Zutnglius, in
the Opinion of the Sacrnment, becaufe he efteemed
the real Prefence an eflential or fundamental Ar-
ticle of Faith ; nor to enter into any Terms of
Union with them, for their common Safety and •

Defence,

The History ^ Persecution. jix

Defence, againft the Endeavours of the Papifts
to<ieftroy ihem. And accordingly, notwichftand-
ing all the Endeavours of the Landgrave of He(fe
Cajjel, to get them included in the common League
againft the Papifts, the Eledor would never allow
jr, being vehemently diflfuaded from it by Luther^
MelanElon^ and others of their Party, who alleged.
That they taught Articles contrary to thofe received inl i. Sefir,
Saxony ; and that therefore there could be m Agree^^* 5 n*
ment of Heart ivith them.

In one of his Conferences with Bucer, he de-
clared. That there could be no Union, unlefs
ZuingUus and his Party (hould think and teach
otherwife; curfing all Phrafes and Interpreta-
tions that tended to aflert the figurative Prefence
only,- affirming, that either thofe of his own Opi-^^^'^^7*
nion, or thofe of Zuinglius, mufl be the Miniflers oy ^^'
the Devil On this Account, though Luther was
for treating Zuinglius and his Followers with as
much ChrHlian Friendftiip as he could afford
them, yet he would never own them for Bre-
thren, but looked on them as Hereticks, and
prelfed the Eledors of Saxony not to allow them
in their Dominions. He alfo wrote to Albert^* 'i- ^t&.
Duke oiPruffta^ to perfuade him to banifh them^^| *^;
his Territories. Seckendorf a\(o tells us, that theg^//^'
Lutheran Lawyers of IVittemburg condemned to ibid*
Death one Peter Peflelius^ for being a Zuinglian ;
though this was difapproved by the Elecior of
Saxony. Several alfo of the Anabaprifts were put
to Death by the Lutherans^ for their Obftinacy in
propagating their Errors, contrary to the Judg-
ment of the Landgrave of Heffe Caffd^ who de-
clared himfelf for more moderate Meafures, and
for uniting all forts of Proteftants amongft them-
felves.

X 4 SECT.

313 %he History 5/" Persegution:

SECT. II.

C A L y I N ^ DoBrine and PraElice concerning
Perfecution.

Calvin. 'TOhn Calvin^ another of the Reformers, and to
J whom the Chriftian World is, on many Ac-
counts, under very gre'at Obligations, was how-
ever well known to be in Principle and PraiSice
^ a Perfecutor. So entirely was he in the perfer
cuting Meafures, that he wrote a Treatife in
Defence of them, maintaining the Lawfulnefs of
putting Heretlcks to Death. And that by Here-
ticks he meant fuch who differed from himfelf,
is /evident from his Treatmeni; of CafteFm and
Servetus.

The former, not inferior to Cahin himfelf in
X^earning and Piety, had the Misfortune to differ
from him in Judgment, in the Points of Predefti-
nation, Eleftion, Free-will and Faith. This CaJyirji
could not bear, and therefore treated CaflelHo in
fo rude and cruel a Manner, as I believe his
warmeft Friends will be aftiamed to juftify. In
fome of his Writings he calls him Blafphemer, Z?^-
^viler^ malicious barking Dog^ full of Ignorance, Beftia-
lit) and Impudence ,• Impoflor, a bafe Corrupter of the
Sacred Writings^ a Mocker of God, a Contemner of all
Religion, ah impudent Fellow, a filthy Dog, a Knave,
an impious, lend, crooked-minded Vagabond, beggarly
Rogue. At other Times he calls him a Difcipk
and Brother of Servetus, and an HereticL Cafiellio'$
Reply to all thefe Flowers, is worthy the Pa-
tience and Moderation of a Chriftian, and from
his Slanderer he appeals to the righteous Judgr
menc of God.

But

^e History ^Persecution^ 313

But not content vvith thefe Inveftives, Cahin
farther accufed him of three Crimes; which
Caftellio particularly anfvvers. The firft was of
Theft, in taking away fome Wood, that belonged
to another Perfon, to make a Fire to warm him-
felf withal : This Calvin calls Curfed Gaitiy at
anothe/s Expence and Damage ,• whereas, in truth
the Fad was this. CafleUio was thrown into fuch
Circumftances of Poverty by the Perfecutions of
Calvin and his Friends, that he was fcarce able
to maintain himfelf. And as he dwelt near the
Banks of the RhinCy he ufed at leifure Hours to
draw out of the River, with an Hook, the Wood
that was brought down by the Waters of it:
This Wood was no private Property, but tvzry
Man's that could catch it. CafleUio took it in the
Middle of the Day, and amongft a great Number
of Fifhermen, and feveral of his own Acquain-
tance 'i and was fometimes paid Money for it by
the Decree of the Senate. This the charitable
C^/i;/« magnifies into a Theft, and publiffies to
the World to paint out the Charafier of his Chri^
ftian Brother.

But his Accufations ran farther yet; and he
calls God to witnefs, that whilft he maintained
Caftellio in his Houfe, he never faw any one more
proud or perfidious ^ or void of Humanity ; and *twas
well known he was an Impoflor^ of a^^^^ecuJiar Impu^
dence^ and one that took pleafure in Jc^tng at Piety
and that he delighted himfelf in laughing at )he Prin-
ciples of Religion. Thefe Charges CafleUio anfwers
in fuch a Manner, as was enough to put even
Malice it felf to filence. For, notwithftandinj^
Calvin s Appeal to God for the Truth of thele
Things, yet he himfelf, and two of his principal
Friends, who were eminent Preachers in Savoy^
prefled Caftellio y even contrary to his Inclinaiion^

314 ^^^ History ^ Persjecution.

to take the Charge of a School at Stratshurg : And
therefore, as he fays to Cahin^ With what Con-^
fcience could you make me Mafier, if you knew me tQ
te fuch a Perfon^ when 1 dwelt in your Houfe ? What
Sort of Men mufi they he^ who would commit the Edu--
cation of Children to fuch a wicked Wretch j as yoif
appeal to God you knew me to be ?

But what is yet more to the Purpofe, is, that
after he had been Matter of that School three
Years, Calvin gave him a Teftimonial, written
and figned with his own Hand, as to the Inte-
grity of his paft Behaviour; affirming, amongft
other Things, that he had behaved himfelf in fuch
a Manner J that he was, by the Confent of all of them,
appointed to the Pafioral Office. And in the Con-
clufion he adds, Leji any one Jbould fufpeB any other
Reafon why Sebaftian went from us, we teftify to all
where foever he may come, that he himfelf voluntarily
left the School^ and fo behaved himfelf in it, as that
we adjudged him worthy this facred Miniflry. And
that he was not aftually received into it, was non^
aliqua vita: macula, not owing to any Blemifli of
his Life, nor to any impious Tenets that he held
in Matters of Faith, but to this only Caufe, the
Difference of our Opinions about Solomons Songs,
and the Article of Chrift's Defcent into Hell.
But how is this Teftimonial, that CafleUio had no
macula vita;, was unblameable as to his Life, re-
concileable with the Appeal to God, that he was
proud and perfidious, and void of Humanity, and
a profeflcd Scoffer ar Religion, whilfl he dwelt at
Calvin^ Houfe? If this Charge was true^ How
came Calvin and his Friends to appoint him
Mailer of a School, and judge him worthy the
^facred Miniflry ? Or if he was of fo bad a Cha-
rafter once, and afterwards gave the Evidence of
a fincere Repentance by an irreproachable Beha-
viour,

The History ^Persecution^ 315

viour^ what Equity or Juftice, what Humanity or
Honour was there, in publilhing to the World
Faults that had been repenrf:d of and forlaken ?
CuQdio folemnly protcfts t: <tc he had never in-
jurea Cahin, and that the fole Reafon of his
Difpleafure aeainft him was becaufe he differed
from him in Opinion. On this Account he en-
deavoured to render him every where Impious,
iprohibited the Reading of his Books,- and, what
is the laft Effort of Enmity, endeavoured to ex-
cite the civil Magiftrate againft him to put him
to Death. But God was pleafed to proted this
good Man from the Rage of his Enemies. He
died at Bafil, in Peace ; and received an honou-
rable Burial, the juft Reward of his Piety, Learn-
ing, and Merit.

I may add to this Account, C^/x^/Vs Treatment Be^.in vie.
of one JeYom Bolfec\ who from a Carmelite Monk^^^^*"'
had embraced the reformed Religion, but held
the Dodrine of Free-will and Predeftination upon
the Forefight of good Works. Calvin was pre-
fent at a Sermon preached by him at Geneva^
upon thefe Articles ; and the Sermon being ended,
publickly oppofed him in the Congregation.
When the Aflembly was difmiffed, poor Bolfec
was immediately apprehended, and fent to Prifon j
and foon after, by Calvin s Counfel, banilhed for
Sedition and Pelagianifm from the City, and for^
bid ever to come into it, or the Territories of it,
under pain of being whipped, A,C i^%i.

But Crz/'u/Vs Treatment of the unfortunate 6Vr-
vetus was yet more fevere. His Book, entitled,
Rejlitutio Chrifiianifmi^ which he fent in MS. to
Calvin^ enraged him to that Degree, that he af-
terwards kept no Temper or Meafures with him ;
fo that as Bolfec and Ujtenbogaert relate, in a Letter
written by him to his Friends Viret and Farel, he

tells

3i6 The History ^Persecution.

Biblioth. tells them. That if this Heretick (Servetusj fhoutd
Raifon. ^^^y j^ji i^iQ i^ig Hands y he would take care that he

Cftobre fi^^^^^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^H^' Servettus Imprifonment at
&c. ijl^.Vienne^ foon gave him an Opportunity to (hew
Aft, VIII. his Zeal againft him : For, in order to ftrengthen
the Evidence againft him, Calvin fent to the Ma-
giftrates of that City the Letters and Writings
which Servetus had fent to him at Geneva. This
is evident from the Sentence it felf againft him ;
in which thofe Writings, as well as his printed
Book, are exprefly mentioned, as containing the
Proofs of his Herefy. Whether Cahin fent them
of his ovyn Accord, or at the Defire of the Ma-
giftrates of Vienne^ I (hall not prefume to deter-
mine. If of his own Accord, it vi^as a bafe Offi-
cioufnefs,- and if at the Requeft of thofe Ma-
giftrates, it was a moft unaccountable Conduct
in a Proreftant to fend Evidence to a Popifli Court
to put a Proteftant to Death ; efpecially confider-
ing that Servetus could not difter more from Calvin
than Calvin did from the Papifts, their common
Adverfaries, and who certainly deferved as much
to be burnt, in their Judgment, as Servetus did
in Calvin s.

Befides this, Servetus farther charges him with
writing to one WiUiam Trie at Lyons^ to furnifh
the Magiftrates of that City with Matter of Ac-
cufation a<:;ainft him. The Author of the Biblio^
iheqtie beforementioned, fays this is a mere Ro-
mance, dreflfed up by Servetus. I confefs it doth
not appear to me in fo very romantick a Light j
at leaft Calvin s Vindication of himfelf, from this*
Charge, doih not feem to be altogether fufficient.
He fays, 'Tij commonly reported that I occajioned Ser-
vetus to be apprehended at Vienne ; on which Ac^
count ^tis faid^ by many, that I have aEied difhonou-
yablyy in thus expofing him to the mortal Enemies oj

the

The History ^Persecution. 317

the Faithj as though I had thrown him into the Mouth
of the Wolves. But^ 1 befeech yoUy how came I fo
fuddenly into fuch an Intimacy with the Papers Officers ?
'Tis very likely, truly, that we fhottld correfpond toge-
ther by Letters ; and that thofe zvho agree with me,
jiifz as Belial doth with Jejm Chrift^ Jhould enter into
a Plot with their mortal Enemy, as with their Com^
panion : This filly Calumny will fall to the Ground,
when 1 fhall fay, in one Word, that there is nothing in
it. But how doth all this confute Servetus's Charge ?
For whatever Differences foever there might be
between Calvin and the Papifts in fome Things,
yet, why might he not write to the Papifts at
Vienne to put Serveius to Death for what was
equally counted Herefy by them both, and whea
they agreed as the moft intimate Friends and
Companions in the Lawful nefs of putting Here-
ticks to Death ? What Calvin fays of the Ab-
furdity of their Intimacy and Confpiracy with
him their mortal Enemy, is no Abfurdity at all.
Herod and Pontius Pilate, tho^ Enemies, agreed
in the Condemnation of the Son of God.

Befides, ^cis certain, that the Magiftrates at
Vienne had Servetus's Manufcripts fent to them
from Geneva, either by Calvin, or the Magi-
flrates of that City^ and when Servetus was after-
wards apprehended at Geneva, the Magiftraccs
there fent a Meffenger to Vienne^ for a Copy of
the Procefs that had been there carried on againft
him; which that Meffenger received, and adually
brought back to Geneva. So that nothing is more
evident, than that there was an Intimacy and
Confpiracy between the Proreftants of Gcncv:i
and the Papifts at Vienne, to take away the Life
of poor Servetus; and that, though they were
mortal Enemies in other Things, and as far diffe-
Jrent from one another as Chrift and Belial, yen

that

3iS ^he History oj Persecution.

that they agreed harmonioufly in the Dodrine and
Pradice of Perfecurion, and were one in the
Defign and Endeavour of murdering this un-
happy Phyfician. And though Calvin is pleafeci
magifterially to deny his having any Commu-
nication by Letters with the Papitts at Vienne^
yet I think his Denial far from fufficient to re-
fiiove the Sufpicion. He himfelf exprefly fays,
that many Perfons blamed him for not afting
honourably in that Affair; and the Accufation
was fupported by Servetus's Complaint, and by
what is a much ftronger Evidence, the origi-
nal Papers and Letters which Servetus had fent
to CahWy which were aftaaiiy produced by the
• Judges at Vienne, and recited in the Sentence as
part of the Foundation of his Condemnation.
And as Calvin himfelf never, as I can find, hath
attempted to clear up thefe flrong Circumftances,
though he owed it to himfelf and his Friends,
I think he can't well be excufed from pradifing
, the Death of Servetus at Vienne^ and lending his
Affiflance to the bloody Papifts of that Place, the
more effedually to procure his Condemnation.

But he had the good Fortune to make his
Efcape fromImprifonment,and was, Jutie 17, 1 5 53.
condemned for Contumacy, and burnt in Effigie
by the Order of his Judges y having himfelf got
fafe to Geneva^ where he was re-condemned, and
aftually burnt in Perfon, Oclober 27. of the fame
Year, 1553. He had not been long in this City
before Calvin fpirited up one Nicholas de la Foun-
tain^ probably one of his Pupils, to make Infor-
mation againlT: him; wifely avoiding it himfelf,
becaufe, according to the Laws of Geneva^ the
Accufer mufl fubmit to Imprifonment with the
Party he accufcs, til) the Crime appears to have
a folid Foundation and Proof. Upon this In-
formation

^he History ^Persecution. 31^

formation Servetus was apprehended and impri-
foned. Cnhin ingeniioufly owns \ That this
whole Affair was carried on at his Inftance and
Advice ; and that, in order to bring Servetus to
Reafon, he himfelf found out the Party to accafe
him, and begin the Procefs againft him. And
therefore, though, as the forementioned Author
of the Biblioiheque for Jan. &c. i-ji^. obferves,
the Aftion, after its Commencement, was carried
on according to the Courfe of Law ; yet, as Calvin
accufed him for Herefy, got him imprifon'd, and
began the criminal Procefs againft him, he is an-
fwerable for all the Confequences of his Trial,
and was in reality the firft and principal Author
of his Death; efpecially as the penal Laws againft
Hereticks feem at that Time to have been in
force at Geneva^ fo that Servetus could not efcape
the Fire upon his Convifcion of Herefy.

When he was in Jail, he was treated with the
fame Rigour as if he had been detained in one
of the Prifons of the Inquificion. He was ftripped
of all Means of procuring himfelf the Conve-
niences and Supplies he needed in his Confine-
ment. They took from him ninety-feven Pieces
of Gold, a gold Chain worth twenty Crowns, fix
goldRings, and at laft put him into a deep Dun-
geon, where he was almoft eaten up with Vermin.
All this Cruelty was pradifed upon a Proteftant,
in the Proteftant City of Geneva. Befides this,
he could never get a Proflor or Advocate to affiit
him, or help him in pleading his Caufe, though
he requeftcd ir, as being a Stranger, and igno-

^ Unus ex Syndicis, rac autore, ix\ carccrcin duci jud^t.
Epift. Sid Sultzer. Quum amicus fuilFf/r, recincndum pucavi,
Khhohws meu5 aJ capicalt- judiciunj ipfum vocavic. £piit. ad
Farref,

rant

320 7he History c/* Persecution.

rant oJF the Laws and Cuftoms of the Country-
Calvin^ at the Requeft of the Judges, drew up
certain Propofitions out of Servetus^s Books, re-
|)refenting thbm as blafphemous, full of Errors
and profane Reveries, alJ repugnant to the Word
of God, and to the common Confent of the whole
Church ; and, indeed, appears to have been ac-
quainted with, and confulted in the whole Procefs,
and to have ufed all his Arts and Endeavours to
prevent his coming off with Impunity.

^Tis but a poor and mean Excufe that Cahik
makes for himfelf in this Refpeft, when he fays ;
Epift. ad ^y fQ ffjQ FaEi, I v)iU not deny, hut that 'twas at my
t^arrel, Pfofecution he was imprifond:-'-^But that after he
was conviSied of his Herejtes^ I made no Infiances for
his being put to Death. But what heed of In-
fiances? He had already accufed him, got him
imprifon'd, profecuted in a criminal Court fot the
capital Crime of Herefy, and aftually irtvj up
forty Articles againft him for Herefy, Blafphemy,
and falfe Dodrine. When he was convifted of
thefe Grimes, the Law could not but take its
Courfe ; and his being burnt to Death was the
necefl'ary Confequence of his Convidion. What
occafion was there then for Calvin to prefs his
Execution, when the Laws themfelves had ad-
judged him to the Flames? But even this Ex-
cufe, poor as it is, is not fincerely and honeftly
made : For Calvin was refolved to ufe all his In-
tereft to deftroy him. In his Letter to Farrel he
exprefly fays, ^ I hope^ at kaji, they will condemn
him to Deaths but not to the terrible one of being burnt.

^ Spero capltale faltem fore Judicium : Poena? vero atroci-
tatem remitti cupio. Epift. ad Farrel Cras ad fupplicium du-
cetur. Genus morcis conati fumus mutare, fed fruftra, Altera
Epift. ad Farreh

And

The History ^Persecution. 321

And in another to Sultz^er^ "" Since the Papifis^ in
order to vindicate their own Superjiiticns^ cruelly /bed
innocent Blood, ^tis a Shame jhat Chriflian Magifirates
Jhould have no Courage at all in the Defence of certain
Truth, ' ' However, I will certify you of one 'Things

that the City Treafurer is rightly determined, that he
fhall not efcape that End which we wiflo him. And in
another to the Church at Franckfort, ^ T'he Author ^?'^^' ai
(ServetusJ is put in Jail by our Magiftrates, and Z^^"^^^^-.
fjope he'll jhortly fuffer the Punifhment he deferves^
There was but one Way poifible for him to efcape ;
and that was by bringing his Caufe from the
criminal Court, where he was profecuted, before
the Council of the two Hundred. And this
Calvin vigoroufly oppofed, and reflefted on the
Syndick himfelf for endeavouring it. He fays,
that he pretended Illnefs for three Days, and' then
came into Court to fave that M^retch (Servetus) front
Punifhment ; and was not afhamed to demand, that the
Cognix^ance of the Affair flwAd he referred to the two
Hundred. However, he was unanimoufiy condemned.
Now, what great Difference is there between a
Profecutor's endeavouring to prevent the only-
Method by which a Criminal can be faved, and
his^aftually preffing for his being put to Death?
Calvin adually did the former, and yet would
fain perfuade us he had no hand in the latter.

'Tis much of a piece with this, his defiring
that the Rigour of Servetus^s Death might be

^ Quum tatp acres fiint Sc animofi fiiperftitionnm fiiarum virt-
clices PapiftdC, uc acrociter fosviant ad fundendum innoxiuni
fanguinem, pudeat Chriftianos Magiftratus ia tuenda cerra ve-

ritate nihil prorfus habere animi. Tantuca unius rei te ad-

monitum volo, Qiicci^orcm Urbis in hac caufa redo effe

^nimo, ut faltem exicum quem opcamus non fugiat.

** Auftor ipfe tenctur in carcere a Magiftracu ooftro, dc pro-
pediem, uc fpefb, daturus eft poeaas,

Y tnitigzudi

322 ^e History ^Persecution.

mitigated; for as the Laws againft Hereticks
were in force ^t Geneva, the Tribunal that judged
Servttus could not, after his Con virion of He-
xefy, abfolve him from Death, nor change the
Manner of it, as Cahin fays he would have had
if; and therefore his defiring that the Rigour of
it might be abated, looks too rtiuch like the
Praftice of the Inquifitors, who when they de-
liver over an Heretick to the fecular Arm, be-
feech it fo to moderate the Rigour of the Sentence,
as not to endanger Life or Limb.

This was the Part that Calvin afted in the
Affair of ServetuSy which I have reprefented in
the moft impartial Manner, as it appears to me 5
and am forry I am not able to wipe off fo foul a
Stain from the Memory of this otherwife excel-
lent and learned Reformer. But when his Ene-
mies charge him with afting merely from Prin-
ciples of Malice and Revenge in this Matter,
I think it an evident Abufe and Calumny. He
was, in his own judgment, for perfecuting and
deftroying Herecicks^ as appears from the Trea-
tife he publilhed in Vindication of this Praftice,
entitled, "" A Declaration for maintaining the true
Faith, held by all Chriftians, concerning the Trinity
of Peyfons in One only God, by John Calvin, againfi
the deteflable Errors of Michael Servetus, a Spaniard.
In which 'tis alfo proved, that it is lawful to puni^y
Hereticks ; and that this Wretch was jufily executed
in the City oj Geneva. Geneva, 1 5 54.

* Declaration pour maintenir le vraye Foy que tiennent tous
Chretiens de la Trinicc des Perfbnnes en un feul Dieu ; par
yean Cahin, centre Its Erreurs deteftables de Michael Servetus,
Efpa^noly ou il cit auffi monftre qu'il eft licite de punir les
Hcretiqiies ; & qu' a bon droid ces Mefchant a etc execute par
Jultice en la villc dc Geneve. A Gemve, 1554.

This

7he HisTouy of Persecution. 323

This Principle was maintained by almcft all
the Fathers and Biftiops of the Church fince the
three firft Centuries, who efteemed Herefy as
one of the worfl of Impieties, and thought ic
the Duty of

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Full text of "The history of persecution : in four parts. Viz. I. Amongst the heathens. II. Under the Christian emperors. III. Under the papacy and Inquisition. IV. Amongst Protestants"

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